II. Structure of the language:

1. STRUCTURE OF LAHANDA

The phonemic system of Lahandā is made up of forty-seven segmental phonemes, of which, thirty-five are consonants, ten vowels and two semi-vowels. The inventory of segmental phonemes is as follows:

Consonants

Labial 	Alveolar 	Retroflex 	Palatal 	   Velar	      Glottal
				dental 
Stops	V1. de-asp.	 p	 t		   th		  c	  k 
	V1. asp.	 ph	ṭ		  ṭh		  ch	      kh
	Vd. de-asp.	 b	d		 dh		  j 	      g 
	Vd. asp.1	 bh	ḍ		 ḍhjh	      gh

Nasals 			m 	n		ṇ		ñ	      ŋ

Fricatives
	V1.		f	s				  ă	      x		h
	Vd.			z					      y 

Liquids 
	Lateral 		l	
	Vibrant 		r		ṛ


	1V1. = Voiceless, de-asp = deaspirated, Vd. = voiced, asp. = aspirated. 

Vowels : 

Front			Central 		Back 
High				i						u 
Lower-high			ī						ū
Higher-mid			e						o
            mid 			ɛ			   әɔ
Lower-mid			
Low 							    a 

Semi-vowels: 
Front			Central 		Back 
				  y						  w

Consonants:

Lahandā has thirty-five consonant phonemes. Phonemic contrasts have been illustrated in the following sections:

Stops:

Labials  

	|p|	[pae]	‘husband 	[gәppa]	‘gossips’ 	 	
		[gәp] 	‘gossip’ 

	|ph|	[phɛe]	‘noose’ 	[gәppha]‘a big collection’ 
	|b|	[bә]	‘sit’		[rәbha] 	‘God’   [jeb]  ‘pocket’ 
	|bh|	[bhә]	‘fear’		[lәbbhã]‘may find’
		[lәbh] 	‘find’		[gәbhru]  	‘husband’

Dentals or Alveolars:  

	|t|	[tota]	‘parrot’	[sutta]	‘sleeping’ 
	[sәt]  	‘seven’ 

|th|	[thotha]	‘a blue substance’ 
	[j ttha]	‘group’ 

|d|	[der]	‘delay’		[di]  ‘of’	[gәddi]  ‘cushion’
	[sәdrã] ‘desires’	[sәddәr]    ‘desire’

|dh|	[dhu]	‘smoke’	[sadhu]	    ‘saint’
	[dhi]	‘daughter’	[sudh]  ‘remembrance’

Palatals:

	|c|	[cot]   ‘hurt’		[cor]  ‘thief’ 
		[s cca]  ‘truthful’	[a c]  ‘truth’

	|ch| 	[choṭa]	‘small’	[chor]	‘boy’ 
		[ccha] 	‘well’		[much] ‘moustache’
	|j|	[juṭh]	‘remaining portion (after cating)’
		[r jja puja]  ‘well satisfied’ 
		[r j puj ghIn]   ‘get fully satisfied’ 
	
	|jh|	[jhuṭh]	 ‘lie’ 	[m jjha]‘buffaloes’ 
		[m njha] ‘cot’  [m jh]	   ‘buffalo’ 

Retroflex: 

	|ṭ|  	[ṭur]	‘walk’	[ṭuṭṭa]	‘broken’ 
		[suṭ]	‘throw’ 

	|ṭh|	[ṭhur]	‘need’	[uṭṭha]	‘camels, may get up’
		[uṭh]	‘camel, get up’

	|ḍ| 	[ḍaka] 	‘robbery’ 	[a dda]    ‘call’ 
		[m ṇḍa]  ‘big bread’	[suḍ]	   ‘a spice’

	|ḍh|	[ḍhaka]   ‘a city’[buḍḍha]  ‘old’ 
		[ḍaḍha]	  ‘strong’[ḍhIḍh]	   ‘stomach’

Velar: 

	|k|	[ke]	‘what’		[s kka]	‘relative’
		[h k]	‘right’ 

	|kh|	[khe]	‘dust’		[bhukkha]  	‘hungry’ 

	|g|	[ga]	‘sing’		[bhugga]	‘edible seed’
		[jh g]  	‘foam’ 

	|gh|	[gha]	‘grass’		[bәgghi]	‘chariot’ 
		[bagh]	‘tiger’ 

 Nasals: 

	|m|	[mã]	‘mother’	[әmmә]	‘mother’ 
		[aәmmәṇ]	‘to sleep’	[sәm]		‘sleep’
		[ãәrmawәṇ]	‘to feel shame’ 
	|n|	[nã]	‘name’		[mәnnәṇ]	‘to getaccepted’ 
		
	|ṇ|	[ṇu ṇu]  ‘sobbing’	[hәṇṇu]	‘jaw’
		[huṇ]	‘now’	   [wәṇ]   ‘informal address to a girl’ 

	|n|	[nũ nũ]	  ‘childish complaint’  
		[wәññә&326]  ‘to go’	[wәn]  ‘go’

	|ŋ|	[ŋәŋŋәŋ nәppa]  ‘nonsense syllables in playing with a child’
		[mәŋŋәn]   ‘to beg’ 	[mәŋ]  ‘beg’	  [wәŋŋã]  ‘bangles’
		[wәŋ]  	  ‘bangle’ 

Fricatives: 

		|f|	[fɔrәb]  ‘at once’	[nәffa]  ‘profit’ 
			[kәf]  ‘cough’ 

		|s|	[sәrdi]	‘cold’		[pasa]  ‘side’ 
			[kIssa]  ‘story’		[hәssã]   ‘may laugh’
			[hәs]   ‘laugh’		[túlai]  ‘a name of plant and Goddess’ 
			[kursi]  ‘chair’ 

		|s|	[šәrm] or [šәrәm] ‘shame’ 
			[maša] ‘a measurement’ 	[mәšal] ‘light’ 
			[laš]	‘dead body’ 

		|z|  	[zәrdi]  ‘redness’	[sәza] ‘punishment’ 
			[m rz] ‘illness’		[gәz]  ‘yard’ 

		|x|	[xar]	‘literally thorn’	  [bәxar] ‘fever’ 
			[bәxt]	‘fortune, luck’		  [lal surx]  ‘extremely red’ 
			[rux]   ‘side’ 

		|y|	[yar]  	‘hole’		[bәr swәt]	‘revolt’ 
			[bay]	‘garden’ 

		|h|	[har]  ‘defeat’		[pәhaṛ]		‘mountain’ 

Liquids: 

		|l|  	[log]	‘people’ 	‘kulli]  ‘coolie’	‘kuli]  ‘delicate’ 
									(feminine)
		[kulla]  ‘cap’		[kula] ‘delicate’  (masculine)  
		[kul]  ‘total’ 

	|r|	[rog]  ‘illness’		[mәrәṇ] ‘to die’ 
		[mәr]  ‘die’

	|ṛ|	[maṛi]	‘bad’		[khәṛa] ‘standing’	[lәṛ]  ‘fight’

2. Phonetic Description:

Stops: The series of stops phonemicised as |t th d dh| have freely variable allophones of alveolar and dental type. Retroflex stops are produced with retroflexion of tongue at any point of articulation ranging from the roof of the mouth to the alveolar region. The significant or distinctive difference between retroflex and alveolar series does not lie in the point of articulation, but in fact, in the movement of articulator. In retroflex sounds, the underside of the apex or blade touches the roof whereas in alveolar series the upper surface of the apex or blade touches the alveolar ridge.

Nasals: It is evident from illustrations above that all five nasals contrast. This may be noted further that the appearance of |ṇ ñ ŋ| is predictable before stops; e.g.

|ṇ|	before retroflex stops 
|ñ|	before palatal stops 
|ŋ|	before velar stops	

In other words, a nasal occurring before a stop is assimilated to it as far as the articulation in the oral tract is involved. Whenever it is otherwise, a morphemic juncture is the possibility, e.g.

	|mәṇḍi|		‘market’		|mәṇ+di|	‘of a mound’ 
	|mәndi|		‘bad’  (fem.)		|mәn+di|	‘of mind’ 

Some confusion prevails regarding the phonetic shape of the palatal nasal. Mr. A. Jukes thinks, “The sound is something between nj and ny, sometimes leaning more to one side, sometimes to the other”. Grierson while quoting A. Jukes says, "Sir James Wilson, in a private communication, describes the pronunciation as that of nj with the j left cut." .It appears that it does not deserve any special treatment. This is simply like the other nasal phonemes and is produced with the same articulation in the oral tract as is involved in the production of other palatal sounds.

Fricatives: |f| is a labio-dental fricative and is unvoiced. |s| is produced by friction of the blade of the tongue touching the alveolar ridge. This is unvoice. |f| and |a| phonemes have no voiced counterparts. Other fricatives |s| and |x| have their voiced counterparts symbolized as |z| and |y| respectively. In the production of palatal fricatives, the position of the tongue is the same as is in the production of palatal stops. They differ only in the manner of articulation. The velar fricatives are a little more backish than velar stops.

2Western Punjabi and English Dictionary, p. VI.

3Grierson on Punjabi, p. 237.

Liquids: |l| is lateral i.e. in the production of this sound the moth passage is occluded but an opening is left along one or both sides for the breath to pass. |r| is an alveolar flap and |ṛ| is a retroflex flap. There is no trilled variety of vibrants. However, some speakers who have some difficulty in pronouncing retroflex |ṛ| replace it with a trilled variety |ṛ| e.g.

|ghoṛi khәṛe tã mɛ̃ cәṛã| in place of |ghoṛi khәṛe tã mɛ̃ cәṛã|

But this may not be considered a generalized pronunciation or a pronunciation acceptable to native speakers. Speakers of this language react strongly to such pronunciations with a trilled variety. The sentence given above is very often quoted by native speakers to laugh at such pronunciations.

This is no retroflex counterpart of the lateral in Lahandā. Grierson in his transliteration uses the |ḷ| symbol e.g. in the word |thәḷi| ‘name of dialect’ but no such sound exists in the dialect of Lahandā described here.

Distribution:

All consonant phonemes except |h| and |ṛ| occur in all position. |h| occurs initially, and medially its occurrence is limited to positions before |a|,|ṛ| does not occur initially but contrasts with |ḍ| and |r| medially and finally. Velar, Palatal and Retroflex nasals |ŋ ñṇ| do not normally appear in initial position. It is also interesting to note that dental |d| occurs very infrequently in the initial position as compared to other stops.

Gemination:

All stops all nasals, fricatives |f| and |a| and lateral have geminated allophones which occur medially in non-cluster position after a short vowel |I, ә, u|. Gemination is predictable; therefore, it is not phonemic. However, there were a few cases such as |a әffa| ‘clear, frank’ and |sәffa| ‘page’ in which geminate and non-geminate |f| appear to be contrastive.

Fricatives |f z x y|:

In some Indo-Aryan languages, fricatives |f z x y| can be regarded as non-essential or marginal phonemes either because they deal very freely with |ph j khg| respectively or because they occur only in borrowed words which are commonly and preferably pronounced with latter sounds. But in Lahandā they are distinct phonemes and any native speaker of literature or illiterate reacts to them, as he will react to any one of non-borrowed phonemes. The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs may be considered as an additional evidence for their distinctness:

	|f|  [sәfәr]	‘traveling’ 
	|ph|  [sәphәl]	‘successful’ 
	|z|   [zәŋ]	‘rust’ 
	|j|   [jәŋ]	‘war’ 
	|x|  [xar]  	literally ‘thorn’ 
	|kh| [khar] 	literally salt [khara] ‘salty’ 
	|y|  [yar]	‘whole’ 
	|g|  [gara]	‘mixture of cement, etc.’ 

Aspirates:

A general disagreement prevails among linguists regarding the aspirate stops in Indo-Aryan Languages. The main problem involved is whether aspirates are unit phonemes or clusters of stop + h. Some might be tempted to say that aspiration is something like accent. Lahandā aspirate stops have been considered as unit phonemes on the following grounds:

1. Phonetically, the pronunciation of aspirates is simultaneous. It precludes the possibility of any cluster.
2. Distributionally: it may be noted that the distribution of aspirates is exactly parallel to those of deaspirates.
3. Aspirate stops appear initially, medially and finally. The occurrence of |h| is restricted to initial position and before |a| in medial position.
4. Clusters of two consonants are permissible in Lahandā in all positions. However, there are no clusters of three consonants. If aspirates are regarded as clusters, this will upset this pattern. Moreover, two-consonant clusters do not appear in initial position except in cases where there is an evidence (historical or morphophonemic) of short vowel such as |I|, |u|, or |ә| disappearing; e.g.

	|bhra|	|bhIra|	‘brother’ 
	|khṛo|	|khәṛo|	‘stand’ 

Besides, cluster of consonants and semivowels also appear initially.  E.g. 

	|pyar|  ‘love’ 		|kwar| ‘daughter-in-law, wife’ 

Palatal Series:

A great deal of confusion prevails regarding the palatal series of stops |c, ch, j, jh|. The main question involved is whether they are clusters, affricates or stops. Mostly they are treated as affricates and are phonetically regarded as [tš, dž]. But Lahandā phonemes of this series have been considered as stops on the following grounds:

1. There is no phonetic evidence of their fricatives character.
2. Distributionally they behave exactly as other stop phonemes do.
3. No consonant cluster occurs initially except in stray cases where the free variant morphophonemic alternant explains the existence of a weak vowel which disappeared in that position.
4. Although clusters like |kә| as in |bәksa| ‘box’ and |kә| as in nәksa ‘map’ appear, the clusters of stop with |z| do not appear.

Implosives:

Lahandā is grouped together with Sindhi in the northwestern group of Indo-Aryan languages. Sindhi has implosive phonemes contrasting with explosive stops. It is said, ‘another neighbouring dialect of Lahandā -- Multāni – also has the phonemic contrast between explosive and implosive stops. It has five voiced implosive phonemes |ƅ̂ d̂ ḍ̂ ĵ ĝ| (including dental implosive which is missing in Sindhi) and voiced aspirated implosive allophones [ƅ̂h d̂ h ḍ̂ hhh ] in complementary distribution with voiced aspirated explosives |ƅ̂h d̂ h ḍ̂ hhh|.7

some spectrograms of palatal stops as opposed to other stops and deaspirated stops as opposed to aspirated stops are explained. Prima facie palatal stops differ from other stops in the duration of friction noise. The same is true of velar stops as opposed to other stops. The analysis is being pursued further in order to get concrete results at least at the acoustic level.

L.M.Khubchandani, “The Phonology and Morphophonemics of Sindhi” an unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1961.

But this statement is not correct about the Derawal dialect of Lahandā because there are no implosives phonetically or phonemically in this dialect.

Vowels: 
Lahandā has ten vowel phonemes. Phonemic contrasts have been illustrated in the 
following sections: 
Front
	|i|:	 |I| 	|bij|	‘seed’	‘bIjli’	‘electricity’ 
	|i|:	 |e| 	|ji|	‘form of respect’ 	|je| ‘if’ 
	|i|:	 |ɛ|	|pir|	‘pain’	 |pɛr|	‘foot’ 
|I|	 |e|	|tIl|	‘a kind of seed’	|tel|	‘oil’ 
|I|:	 |ɛ|	|mIl|	‘meet’		|mɛI|	‘dirt’
|e|:	 |ɛ| 	|ke|	‘what’		|kɛ|	‘vomiting’   |je|  ‘if’ 
		|jɛ|  	‘victory’ 

Central

	|ә|:	|a|	|ma  |mәr|  ‘die’	|mar|	 ‘beat kill’ 

Back
	|u|:	|u| 	|kula|	‘soft’	|kula|  ‘cap’	[kulle] 
	|u|:	|o|	|kuṛ|	‘lie’	|koṛ|	‘leprosy’ 
	|u|:	|ɔ|	|kuṛ|	‘lie’	|kәṛ| 	‘bitterness’
	|u|:	|o|	|kuṛ|	‘go get irritated’	|koṛ|  ‘leprosy’ 
			|uṛ|	‘fly’	|oṛ|  ‘cover’ 
	|u|:	|muka|  ‘fist’	 |mukka|	|muka|  ‘opportunity’ 
	|o|:	|hoka|	‘announcement’	|kɔka|   ‘sigh’

Front, Central and Back 
	|i|:	|u|	|mĩ|	‘rain’	|mũ|  ‘mouth’ 
	|I|:	|ә|:	|u|	|hIk|	‘one’	|hәk|   ‘right’	|huk|  ‘hook’ 
	|e|:	|o|	|jeṛa|	‘who, which’	|joṛa|	‘couple’ 
	|ɛ|:	|ɔ|	|mɛla|	‘dirty’	|mɔla|	‘literally God, a big one’ 
	|i|:	|I|:	|e|:	|ɛ|:	|ә|:	|a|:	|u|: 	|u|:	|o|:	|ɔ|:
	|mil|	‘mile’	|mIl| 	‘meet’	|mel|	‘meeting’	|mɛl|	‘dirt’
	|mәl|	‘rub’	|mal|	‘goods’ |mul|	‘basic money’	|mul|	‘price’
	|mols|	‘a wooden stick’	|mɔla| 	literally  ‘God’ 

General Remarks:

The vowels |I ә u| are short and others are relatively long. Sometimes these short vowels are pronounced even extra short and have a tendency to disappear; e.g.

|bhIra|		|bhra|
|tәrɛ|		|trɛ|

Front and central vowels are unrounded and back vowels are rounded. Generally, there is less rounding in back vowels and less broadening of the mouth in the front vowels. There is also comparatively less opening of the mouth in all vowels. This leaves comparatively greater scope for differences at the phonetic level.

All vowels except the short vowel phonemes |I, ә, u| occur in all positions. The occurrence of short vowels is restricted to initial and medial positions. In this respect, Lahandā differs from the neighbouring language Sindhi which unlike many other Indo-Aryan languages still retains the final short vowels.

Vowel sequences are permissible but this may be noted that short vowels cannot occur in the final position. Sequences of two short vowels do not occur.

Diphthongs:

Daniel Jones defines a diphthong as "an independent vowel glide not containing either a ‘peak’ or a ‘valley’ of prominence". This is the phonetic definition of a diphthong. Phonetically to a great extent |ɛ| and |ɔ| are diphthongs and they may be regarded as |ə̪ɛ| and |ə̪o|. But phonemically they have been considered as simple vowels because their distribution is parallel to that of simple vowels.

Vowel sequences such as |ə̪i| and |ə̪u| in |pәi| ‘progressive auxiliary contraction of |pIa he| with emphasis as opposed to |pɛ| ‘non-emphatic’ and |gə̪u| ‘cow’ as opposed to |gɔtәm| ‘name’.9

Besides there is glide of [w] and [y] which is predictable because it is conditioned by the environment. [w] occurs after back vowels and [y] occurs after front vowels, e.g. [uwo] ‘only that’ and [iyo] may be written phonemically as |uo| and |io|.

Semivowels:

Semivowels |w| and |y| occur as phonetic glides (as explained in 1.2.2). They also occur in positions which are exclusive to the corresponding vowels |u| and |I|. Initially before a vowel, their distribution is similar to that of consonants. Elsewhere they behave like non-syllabic vowels. They could easily be regarded as allophones of |u| ad |I|. But there are some examples in which they contrast with these phonemes; e.g.

Daniel Jones, An Outline of English Phonetics, 1957.

“Phonemically we might define a diphthong as a combination of two (or more) phonemes of which one is usually vocalic, the other (s) semivowels, such combinations contrast minimally with unit syllabic phonemes”. Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European Phonology, P. 12.

|gIa|	‘gone’		|gyarã|  ‘eleven’
|juari|	‘gambler’	|jwar|	‘a kind of grain’ 

This has been considered safer to add these two phonemes to the inventory of segmental phonemes.

2. PHONOLOGY:

1. Suprasegmental Phonemes

It is regarded convenient to group phonemes in two different categories, such as segmental and suprasegmental. But the distinction between these two categories is very hard to define. Generally or traditionally segmental phonemes are considered to form a linear order or sequence whereas suprasegmental phonemes are regarded to be overlapping.

Suprasegmental features of Lahandā are as follows:

A) Nasalization:

Nasalization is phonemic in Lahandā. Nasalized and non-nasalized vowels contrast are shown in illustrations below:

	|ga|	‘sung’		:	|gā|	‘cow’
	|wɛda|  ‘promise’	:	|wɛ̃da|	‘going’
	|kyu|  ‘one’		:	|kyũ| ‘why’
	|badi|  ‘a disease’	:	|bãdi| ‘maid-servant’ 


1See Gleason: An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics (1961), p.371.
2See E. Pulgram:  Introduction to the Spectrography of Speech, 1959, p. 160. 

B) Degrees of nasalization:

There are three degrees of nasalization in Lahandā.

a) Strong, e.g. |mәrĩdi| passive perfective of |mɛr-| ‘to beat, kill’: |mәrẽda| ‘active transitive imperfective of |mar-| |gãda| ‘singing’ |rõda| ‘weeping’ etc. and also in examples given in 2.1.0. This nasalization is independent of any environmental situation.

b) Moderate: This type of nasalization occurs before a nasal consonant; e.g. [ǝ̃m] ‘mango’.

c) week: this type of nasalization occurs after a nasal consonant; e.g. [mã] ‘mother’.

Moderate and week nasalization is conditioned by the environment and need not be written phonemically. The strong nasalization is different from the latter two in the sense that it is phonemic. It differs also from the other two in the distributional sense. Moderate and week nasalization can occur with any vowel phoneme (long or short) but strong nasalization is restricted to long vowel phonemes.

10. Juncture: 

Juncture is phonemic in Lahandā as illustrated by the following minimal contrast: 

	|xudã|		‘God’
	|xud+a|		‘come yourself’ 

H.M.Hoenigswald considers nasalization prosodic and also makes a phonetic and phonemic distinction in Declension and nasalization in Hindustani Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol.68-3, 1948, p. 148.

This type of juncture may be written with space in between. This plays a very important and significant role in the morphophonemic alternation. (See 8).

Juncture may be sub-divided into two groups:

(a)  Close: It occurs where there is a syllabic boundary and is represented by the symbol  |-|. 
[kIš-ti].  

(b) open: This may be sub-divided further into three groups:  

1.	Internal open (plus) juncture symbolized as |+|. It coincides with word boundary: 
[kәm+kә+reṇ+di] ‘of doing work’ 

2.  Pause, phrase or clause juncture symbolized as  |I]. It coincides with phrase boundary. 
	|kәm+kә-rәṇ+di|   kә+loṛ+he| 
	[je+sã_......]  ‘what is the necessity of doing work, if you....’ 

3.  Terminal, It occurs at the end of a sentence. It is symbolized as  |II|.  |a wәñII| ‘come on’. 

This may either be falling or rising depending upon the type of sentence or expression.

Syllabic close juncture used cannot be indicated with any symbol. Different types of open junctures can safely be indicated only with a cover symbol of space.

Pitch levels:

This may be noted that accent and stress are not distinctive features in Lahandā. Some minor variations in intention are observed; e.g.

4 l=lsw 	2=mid		3=high		4=high

	|mɛ̃2 dIli wɛsã 2 ]	‘I shall go to Delhi’.

This is a simple statement of fact. The intonation changes, if the name sentence is interrogative. Intonations may change with emphasis on different items; e.g.

|mɛ̃2 dIli2  wɛsã 4↓|	question’ 
|mɛ̃4 dIlie2 wɛsã 2↓|	emphasis on  |mɛ̃| 
|mɛ̃2 dIli4 wɛsã 2↓|	emphasis on |dIli|
|mɛ̃2 dIli wɛsã↑|	emphasis on |wɛsã|

11. Tone:

Very often the question of tone is discussed in Panjābī and Lahandā. The question of tone is related with loss of aspiration or |h| in these languages. Talking about |h| Grierson writes, “In other positions, i.e. when it is not at the beginning of a word or preceding the accented syllable, it is hardly audible or may be altogether inaudible, but it strongly raises the pitch of the preceding vowel, often altering the whole tone of the word. Thus, lãh, boxing down is very different in sound from lã, attach, although the h in the former is often inaudible. Similarly the first ã in kãhlã, speedy is pronounced in a high tone, while in kālā, black, it has the ordinary tone, although the h in the former word is not itself sounded. Grierson also mentions that the same remarks apply to soft (not hard) aspirated consonants.

The other dialects of Lahandā is not known but it is certain that the tone distinction does not exist in the Derãwãl dialect. The examples mentioned by Grierson are pronounced as follows in this dialect:

Grierson on Punjabi, p. 237.
[lәha]		‘boxing down’ 
[la]		‘attach’
[kala]		‘used mostly in the sense of black and may also mean speedy’. 

Dr. Hardev Bahri in his unpublished thesis concerning the phonetics and Phonology of Awankari, another dialect of Lahandā belonging to the northeastern group of dialects spoken in Attack and Kohat, describes four tones such as filling, high, low, mid or level. This may be added that dialects differ strikingly from one another and it does not preclude the possibility of tone in other dialects but this should be analyzed more systematically before any conclusions are arrived at. This is merely a note of caution and does not in any way prejudice any kind of judgement which can be arrived at.

Hardev Bahiri, Phonetics and Phonology of Awankari (Lahandi); Kalicharan Bahal, “A note on tones in Western Punjabi (Lahanda).” Indian Linguistics Bagchi Memorial, volume 1957. For the tone in Punjabi, Bailey, “A Punjabi Phonetic Reader; B.D. Jain”, “A Phonology of Punjabi and A Ludhinawi Phonetic Reader”.

Morphophonemics:

Morphophonemic alternations are sometimes termed morphophonemic charges. This does not appear to be a proper term because it conveys the meaning of a sort of historical change, which is not true of the sense in which one would like to use the term. Ancient Sanskrit grammarians used the term ‘Sandhi’ for these alternations. This term has been borrowed in English and morphophonemic alternations are further divided into two sub-groups of internal and external Sandhi. Terms like regular and irregular or automatic and non-automatic alternations are freely employed for further sub-divisions of morphophonemic alternations.

Lahandā morphophonemic alternations have been grouped under three classes:

1. Regular alternations: Under this group, those alternations have been treated which show some kind of regularity. These may be termed automatic also. Such alternations are further sub-divided into two groups of “phonemically conditioned” and “morphemically conditioned”.

2. Irregular alternations: All those alternations which do not show any regularity of pattern have been treated under this section.

3. Synctico-phonemic alternations: This new term is used to cover all those alternations which can be treated at some syntactical level and may or may not show any regularity at the phonemic level.

A) Phonemically conditioned: 

(i)  i ↝ I before vowel and after heavy syllables (i.e. more than one)  

	|galtiã| ↝    |gәltIã| ‘mistakes’ 
	|nai-ã| ↝   |naIã|  ‘barbers’ 

but not in monosyllables:  |dhiã|  ‘daughters’ 

(ii)  ĩ↝ I in conditions as in (i) 
	|saĩ-ã|  ↝ |saIã|  ‘masters’ 

(iii)  u ↝ U as in  (i)  

	|gәbhru-ã|  	|gәbhrUã|   ‘husbands’ 
	|hәñju-ã|	|hәnjã|        ‘tears’  

but not in monosyllables: 	|uo| ‘that one’ 

(iv) w ↝ /  ~/  before consonants 

	|ḍew-әṇ| 	‘to give’	|ḍẽ-da|	‘giving’ 
	|thiw-әṇ|	‘to be’		|thi-da|  ‘being’ 

(v)  w ↝ Φ  before pause  

	|thiw- ṇ|  ‘to be’		|thi|  ‘(you) be’  

(vi)  kh↝ Φ  before stop 

	|akh-әṇ|  ‘to say’		|a-da|  ‘saying’ 
	|ḍekh-әṇ|  ‘to see’		|ḍe-da|  ‘seeing’ 

(vii) ã ↝ E  before aibilants 
	ɛ̃ before stops 
|wәñ-әṇ|	‘to go’		|wɛsã|  ‘will go’ 
				|wɛ̃da|  ‘going’ 
(viii)  a-ã  ↝ awã  
	ã-ã  ↝ awã  

	|bhIra-ã|   ‘brothers’ 		|bhIrawã|  
	|kã-ã|	‘crows’		|kawã|  

There is also an automatic glide of  [w] after |u|  and |U| and of  [y] after  |i| and |I| 
before vowels:  

	[pyu-ã]	  ‘fathers’ 		[pyuwã]
	[dhi-ã]	  ‘daughters’		[dhiyã] 
	[gәbhr-ã]  ‘husbands’		[gәbhrwã]
	[yәltI-ã]  ‘mistakes’		[yәltIyã] 	

This glide has been considered as non-phonemic.  

	(ix)  Φ ↝ w  if not covered by rule  viii,  between vowels  
	|mar-әṇ|  ‘to kill’		|mәr-ẽda|	‘killing’
					|mәr-wa-waṇ|  ‘to get killed’ 

	|saṛ-әṇ|  ‘to burn’		|sәr̄-ẽda|  ‘burning’	
					|sәṛ-wa-waṇ|  ‘to get burn’ 

	|bal- ṇ|  ‘to burn’ 		|bәl-ãda| ‘burning’ 
					|bәl-wa-wan̄|   ‘to get burnt’ 

(ii) Transitive verb-root medial e ↝ I before suffix –eda and in causative.  

	|ḍew- ṇ| ‘to give’		|ḍIw-eda| ‘giving’ 
					|ḍI-wa-wṇ|  ‘to get given’

	|ḍakh-ṇ|  ‘to see’		|ḍIkh-eda|  ‘showing’ 
					|ḍIkh-wa-w ṇ|  ‘to get shown’ 

(iii) Transitive verb-root medial o ↝ U before suffix  -eda and in causative 

	|ṭor- ṇ|   ‘to leave’		|ṭUr-eda| ‘leaving’ 
					|ṭUr-wa-w ṇ|  ‘to get left’ 

	|moṛ- ṇ|  ‘to move aside’	|mUṛ-eda|  ‘moving aside’
					|mUṛ-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get moved’ 

	|choṛ-ṇ|  ‘to leave’		|chur-eda|   ‘leaving’ 
					|chuṛ-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get left’ 

(iv)  Transitive root  c ↝ k in intransitive and causative  

	|wac- ṇ|  ‘to sell’ 		|wIk- ṇ|  ‘intransitive’ 
					|wIk-wa-w ṇ|  ‘causative’ 

(v) i  ↝  before feminine suffix  -ṇ  

	|tali|  ‘oil man’		            |tel ṇ|  ‘oil woman’ 
	|moci| ‘cobbler’ 	            |moc -ṇ|  ‘feminine’

(vi)  ai|ai  ↝ ɛ  before feminine suffix  -ṇ 

	|asi|  ‘master’		|aɛ-ṇ|  ‘mistress’ 
	|k sai| ‘butcher’	|k sɛ-ṇ| ‘butcher’ 

This may be noted that although the most common form meaning 'brother' is |bhIra| yet the word |bhai| in the sense of servant, menial worker, etc. remains in the language. Probably |bhɛṇ| ‘sister’ is related to this word and is governed by this morphophonemic rule.

(vii) Postpositional -da  -de  -di  (possessive) ↝ -ḍa   -ḍe  -ḍi after I and II 
person pronouns 

	|mɛḍa|  ‘my’		|saḍa|  ‘our’ 
	|tɛḍa|  ‘your’		|twaḍa|  ‘your’ 

but  |ũda|  ‘his’ 	|unnãda|  ‘their’		|ramda|  ‘of Ram etc.’ 


(viii)  Loss of final nasalization  | ~|  of  |mɛ̃|  and |tɛ̃|   before  

-da and -kũ 

	|mɛ̃|  ‘I’	|mɛda|  ‘my’	|mɛkũ|  ‘to me’ 
b) Irregular alternations: 

Several perfective forms in Lahandā are irregular. These forms can be explained historically but historical considerations are irrelevant for descriptive analysis. The full consideration of this problem will involve the consideration of morphology in detailed manner. This is beyond the scope of the present analysis. Some irregular alternations are given below:

Speaking about some irregular English verb alternants, Bernard Bloch writes, "It does without saying that historical considerations play no part in a structural description. The actual historical relation between sing and song is irrelevant here; all that is relevant is their morphological relation in the structure of present-day English." English verb inflection, Language 28, 1947, footnote 16.

Infinitive 					Perfective         

|kәr-әṇ|  ‘to do’				|kita|  
|mәr-әṇ| ‘to die’				|moya|
|ḍekh-әṇ| ‘to see’				|ḍIṭha|
|ḍhaw-әṇ| ‘to fall’				|ḍhәṭha| 
|akh-әṇ|  ‘to say’				|akhya|
|ghIn-әṇ| ‘to take’				|gәIda| 
|wәñ-әṇ| ‘to go’				|gia| 
|bәn-әṇ|  ‘to bind’				|bәdha| 
|sow-әṇ|  ‘to sleep’				|sUta| 
|tәp-әәṇ|  ‘to be heated’			|tәta| 

c) Syntacticophonemic alternations:

Syntacticophonemic alternations is mostly governed by the rapidity of speech. The slow speech juncture helps in preserving the original forms but in rapid speech juncture is lost and it involves alternations such as u Unn wIcũ| ↝ |Unacũ|.2

	There is morphophonemic regularity in the following cases (if juncture is lost):  

|mɛ̃ kәrẽda hã| ↝  |mɛ̃ kәrẽdã|  ‘I do’ 
|tũkәrẽdã hẽ|  ↝  |tũ kәredẽ|    ‘you do’
|o kәrẽda he| ↝  |o kәrẽde|       ‘he does’ 
|o kәrẽde hin| ↝ |o kәrẽden|    ‘they do’ 

It is clear from the above illustrations that with the loss of juncture loss of  |h| is  

Grierson writes, “Ich is a termination and vich is a postposition.The former is derived from the latter, the v being dropped, when the post-position becomes a termination.” Grierson on Panjabi, P. 244.

Automatically involved because |h| does not occur in medial position (ex. before a).

	a + ã ↝ ã
	a + ẽ↝ ẽ
	a + e ↝ e (Ia + i ↝ e, a + i ↝ e)
	e + i ↝ e
	ɛ + i ↝ ɛ

The same is the case with the following examples:

	|mɛ̃ kita he| ↝ |mɛ̃ kite| ‘I have done’
	|assã kita he| ↝ |әssã kite|  ‘we have done’ 
	|mɛ̃ kita him| ↝ |mɛ̃ kitem|3  ‘I have done’ 

Similarly the following alternations occur: 

	|pIa he|  ↝ |pɛ|
	|pIa hiwi| ↝ |pәi| 

But these alternations are not valid where there is no possibility of the loss of 
juncture as in –

	|mɛ̃cәnga hɛ̃|  ‘I am good’ 
	
Although conditions are the same as in  |mɛ̃kәrẽda hã| yet the alternation does not occur. 

The similar situation is found in so-called passive constructions depending on the 
loss of juncture: 

	|mɛ̃kItab p ṛi+ḥim|   ↝ |mɛ̃ kItab pәṛim| 
		i+h+i   ↝   |i|

This may be noted that –m has been wrongly considered as personal ending. This is in fact the contracted form in rapid speech. Grierson considers them as pronominal suffixes. “Lahandā shares with Kashmiri and Sindhī the use of pronominal suffixes. In Kāshmīrī they are only attached to verbs while in Lahandā and Sindhĩ they are attached to both nouns and verbs.” Grierson on Panjābī, p. 246. But in fact |mɛ̃ghәrәm| ‘I was in house’ is the contraction of |mɛ̃ ghәrәm|.

There is no necessity to regard -m as a, personal ending.4

Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji considers such elements as personal terminations. “Western Panjabi and Sindhi kept up the old Passive Construction, and yet added the personal terminations relating to the subject: e.g. Lahandi (W. Panjabi) kitãb parhĩ- m ‘I have read the book’ - lit. ‘the book (fem) she-was-red-by-ma’. Indo-Aryan and Hindi, p. 122. Gujarat Vernacular Society: Ahmedabad, 1942.The writer is engaged in the transformational analysis of Lahanda verbs on the model of Marathi verbal sequences analyzed by Franklin C. South worth, Language, 87, No. 2, 1961.

Bibliography

I. Lahandā Language

Adelung, J.C.,"Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mith dem Vater unsev in bey nahe funfaundert Sprachen und Mamdarten", Berlin, 1806-1817, see pp. 196 and 2nd of vol. I for an account of Multani.

Bahl, K.C., "A Note on Tones in Western Punjabi Indian Linguistics", Bagchi Memorial volume, 1957, pp. 30-34.

Bahri, H.D., "Phonetics and Phonology of Awankari (Lahandi)", an unpublished thesis for the Degree of Ph.D., Oriental Faculty, Lahore: University of the Panjab. 1948.

Bayer, T.S., "Historia Ragni Groscorum Bactriani Petropoli", 1738.
This is the first work by a European who recognizes the language spoken in Multān.

Boniford, T., "Rough notes on the grammar of the language spoken in the Western and Southern parts of the Panjab", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XLVI, part I (1897), p. 186.

Burton, R.F., "A Grammar of the Jataki or Belochki Dialect". Journal of the Mumbai Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. III (1849, 0, pl).

Campbell, G., "Specimens of the Languages of India", including those of the Aboriginal Tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces and the Eastern Frontier, Calcutta, 1871.

Fryer, F.W.R., "Final Report on the ... settlement of the Dera Ghazikhan District, in the Darejat Division", etc., Lahore, 1876, Glossary, pp. vi-x.

Grierson, G.A., "Linguistic Survey of India", vol. VIII, part I, Grierson on Panjabi (The Photostat Print of the vol. VIII, part I and vol. IX, part I relating to Lahandā and Panjabi of Linguistic Survey of India), Language Department, Panjab, Patiala, March 1961.

Hastings, E.G.G., "Report of the ..... Settlement of the Peshawar District of the Punjab", Lahore, 1878, appendix O. Glossary.

Jukes, A., "Dictionary of the Jakti or Western Panjabi Language", First edition, Lahore and London, 1900, Second edition, Western Punjabi and English Dictionary, Language Department, Patiala, 1961.

Leitner, "Collections of Specimens of Commercial and Other Alphabets and Handwritings as also of Multiplication cables current in various parts of the Panjab, Sindh, and the Northwest Provinces", ‘Anjumen-i-Punjab’ Press, Lahore (no date).

Maclagan, E., "Notes on Western Panjabi", Lahore, 1900.

O’Brien, E., "Glossary of the Multani Languages, compared with Punjabi and Sindhi", Lahore, 1881.

"Glossary of the Multani Language or South western Panjabi" revised and rearranged by J. Wilson and Hari Kishan Kaul.

"Report on the ..... Settlement of the Muzaffargarh District", etc. Lahore, 1881.

O’Doyer, M.F., "Final Report on the .... Settlement of Gujranwala District", Lahore, 1891, appendix F, Glossary.

Prinsep, J., "Notes on A Grammar of the Sindhi Language", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. VI (1837), p. 387, Plate of Multani or Serai alphabet.

Pursev, W.E., "Report on the .... Land Revenue Settlement of the Montgomery District in the Multan Division of the Punjab", etc., Lahore 1878, appendix I, Glossary.

Robertson, E.A., "Final Report of the.... Settlement of the Rawalpindi District", Lahore, 1895, appendix 4, Agricultural Proverbs.

Rose, H.A., "Two Panjabi Love Songs in the Dialect of the Lahanda or Western Panjabi by Jindan "(with some notes by G.A. Grierson) Indian Antiquary, vol. XXXV (1906), p. 333.

Steedman, E.B., "Report on the ... Settlement of the Jhang District", Lahore 1882, appendix 6, Glossary, appendix 7, proverbs.

Thorburn, S.S., "Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Bannu District", etc., Lahore, 1879, p. 12, appendix 15, Glossary.

Thornton, T.H., "The Vernacular Literature and Folklore of Panjab", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1885.

Tiadall, W., "A Simplified Grammar and Reading Book of the Panjabi Language", London, 1889.

Wace, E.G., "Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Hazasra District of the Punjab", etc., Lahore, 1876, p. 74.

Wilson, J., "Final Report on the .... Settlement of the Shahpur District in the Punjab", etc., Lahore, 1891, appendix 10, Glossary, Gazetteer of the Shahpur District, Lahore, 1897, p. 89.

"Grammar and Dictionary of Western Panjabi, as spoken in the Shahpur District with proverbs, sayings, and verses", Lahore, 1899.

II. Miscellaneous

Bailey, Graham, "A Panjabi, Phonetic Reader".

Beams, John, "A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India", vol. I, p. 99.

Bloomfield, Leonard, "Language", 1985.

Census Commissioner, India, "Census of India- 1961", Census 1961, - Tabulation Plan.

Pakistan, "Census of Pakistan- 1951".

Chatterji, S.K., "Origin and Development of Bengali Language", London 1927, Indo-Aryan and Hindi, 1942

Ferguson, C.A. and Munier Choudhry, "Phonemes of Bengali", Language, Vol. 36, part I, 1968.

Gleason, H.A., "Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics "(revised edition), 1961.

Grierson, G.A., "Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars (an unfinished study)", Mumbai, Reprinted from the Indian Antiquary, vols. IX (1981) LXI (1932) and LXII (1985).

Harris, Z.S., "Methods in Structural Linguistics", 1951.

Hockett, C.F., "A Course in Modern Linguistics", 1959. Manual of Phonology, 1955.

Hoenigawald, H.M., "Declension and Nasalization in Hindustani Journal of the American Oriental Society", vol. 68-69, 1948.

Hoernle, A.E., "A Comparative Grammar of the Gandian Languages with special reference to the Eastern Hindi", London, 1880.

Jain, B.D., "A Phonology of Panjabi and a Ludhiani Phonetic Reader".

Jones, Daniel, "An Outline of English Phonetics", 1932.

Joos, Martin,"Acoustic Phonetics", 1948.

Lehmann, W.P., "Proto-Indo-European Phonology", 1952.

Pulgram, E., "Introduction to the Spectrography of Speech", 1959.

Southworth, F.C., "The Marathi Verbal Sequences and their CO-occurrences", Language, 37, no. 2, 1961.

C. Morphology of Lahandā

a) Nouns:

The noun stems may be simple, complex or compound. There are three grammatical categories of nouns e.g.

1.	Gender
2.	Number
3.	Case

Gender is inherent. All nouns in this language are divided into two classes, masculine, and feminine. The only correlation is syntactic. There are two numbers: singular and plural.

A large number of nouns are inflected for singular and plural both, whereas a few are inflected for one, or the other only. There are nouns, which can be counted in numbers, but mass nouns can only be measured. Thus nouns can be classified into count nouns and mass nouns e.g.

Pani 		‘water’
lәu		‘blood’
Khir		‘milk’
are mass nouns. 

There are four cases, e.g. nominative and oblique apply to all nouns. Vocative is used with a small number of animate nouns. The ablative is used with a small number of nouns only in singular number.

The four forms of cases are distinguished by the following suffixes. E.G. Masculine nouns.


  					Singular 			Plural
						
1. Nominative				Mama  ‘Mother’s brother’   	Mame
					Chor  ‘boy’			Chor

2.Oblique, the form used before			Chor			Chor
    Postposition				mame			mameã
					Chor			Chorã
3. Vocative				mame			mameo
4. Ablative					Chor			Choro
					_____			_____

1. Nom.					ghәr ‘home’		ghәr
2. Oblique					ghәr -			ghәrã
3.  Voc.					____			_____ 
4.  Ablative 			 	ghәrű			_____

E.g.   feminine nouns:

Nom. 		Cher  ‘girl’			Cherĩ
Obl.		Cher			Cherĩ
Voc.		Cher			CherIo
Abl.		____			_____  


		Singular				Plural

Nom		nű   ‘daughter in law’			nũri
Obl.		nű   				nűri
Voc.		nű				nűrIo
Abl.		__				____
Nom.		bã    ‘arm’				bãi
Obl.		bã				bãwã
Voc.		__				____
Abl.		__				____
Nom.		bhua   ‘father’s sister’	bhuIã
Obl.		bhua				bhuIã
Voc.		bhua 				bhuIo
Abl.		_____				_____

Nouns can be classified on the basis of plural suffixes added to the nominative nouns e.g. –a ending masculine nouns.

	Singular 	Plural
	
	pәṭka	pәṭke 		‘turbans’
	goḍa	goḍe  		‘knees’

Other than – a ending masculine nouns.

	kã	kã		‘Crows’
	khu	khu		‘Wells’

Exception	bhIra	bhIra		‘brothers’ 


Feminine Nouns:

	Singular 	Plural

Class I	cher 	cherĩ		‘girls’ 
	әkh	әkhĩ		‘eyes’ 

Class II	dhi	dhiri		‘daughters’
	nű	nűri		‘daughter-in-laws’

Class III	khui	khuiã		‘small wells’
	dhoti	dhotiã		‘saris’
	kәmiz	kәmizã		‘shirts’
	jәŋg	jәŋgã		‘legs’

Derivative nouns:

Feminine nouns can be derived by replacing suffixes to the masculine nouns. E.g.:

	Masculine		Meaning			Feminine

	Mama		‘Maternal uncle’		mami	‘maternal uncle’s wife’
	ghoṛa		‘horse’			ghoṛi  	‘mare’
	saĩ		‘master’			sɛṇ	‘mistress’
	sәp		‘snake			sәpṇi  	‘female snake’
	šer		‘lion’			šeroni	‘lioness’
	jeṭh		‘husband’s elder brother’	jeṭhaṇi	‘husband’s elder brother’s wife’
	teli		‘oil man’			telәṇ	‘oil women’

	Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to objective stems. E.g.


	Adjective		‘Meaning’		Noun		‘Meaning’

	Pap		‘sin’		papi		‘sinner’
	šukar		‘rich’		šukari		‘richness’
	kәsur		‘default’		kәsurwar		‘defaulter’
	saf		‘clean’		sәfai		‘cleanliness’
	mIṭha	 	‘sweet’		mIthai		‘sweetest’

	Conditional infinities usually functions as nouns.   E.g.,

	sәmәṇ	‘to sleep’
	khawәṇ	‘to eat’

Compound nouns can be derived by repeating the first word except that in the second item the first letter is replaced by š e.g.

	ghuthi	šuthi		‘small bag’ etc.
	khir	šir		‘milk’ etc
	paṇi	šani		‘water’ etc

b) Pronouns:

Pronouns are syntactically definable as a class of forms substitutable for nouns. They share the same features as nouns by entering into construction with inflections for gender, number and case, but they are distinguished from nouns by having a category of persons and they do not have inherent gender like nouns.

Pronouns have varying forms according to case and number.
The final resulting forms of the pronouns are as follows.

		Singular 			Plural

            Nominative
		mɛ̃, tũ, o, e		әsã,  tusã,  o, e.

            Oblique: 
		mɛkũ, kɛkũ, ukũ  		әsakũ,  /  sɛkũ    tuakũ,  ukũ    ikũ
		mɛḍe,  tɛḍe, ũde		saḍe,   tuaḍe, unade  ĩde

Pronouns are classified into two types. Accordingly the first and second person pronouns belong to class I and the other pronouns fall under class II.
Pronouns have a category of number and there are two numbers, singular and plural.

The first and second person pronouns have plural suffix - sãin the nominative.

The other pronouns have - ø - suffix in the nominative. The Ist and IInd person pronouns belong to class I and rest to the class II.

In the oblique, all the pronouns have -a as the plural marker occurring after the pronominal roots. In the first person there are two freely varying forms in plural, where respect is shown, the plural forms are used as honorific singular forms. E.g.

			Singular			Plural

Nom.	Ist person		mɛ̃	‘I’		әsã	‘we’
	IInd person		tũ	‘you’		tusã	‘you’
	IIIrd person     	o    	‘he, she that,	o	‘they, those’
	remote 
	Proximate       	e	‘he/she, this,	e	‘they, these’

Oblique.	Ist person		mɛḍe	‘my’		әsaḍe/sɛḍe	 ‘our’
	IInd person		tɛḍe	‘your’		tuaḍe		‘your’
	IIIrd person		unde/ũde	‘his/her’		unade/ ũde	‘their’
	remote 
	Proximate		inde/ĩde	‘his/her’		Inade/Inade	‘their’

	There are three cases:
		1.	Nominative
		2.	Oblique
		3.	Possessive.

	Examples 	Singular			Plural
	Nom.	mɛ̃ 			әsã
	Obl.	mɛḍe			asaḍe/sɛḍe

	Poss. Masculine mɛḍa/saḍa			mɛḍe
	Feminine  mɛḍi				mɛḍIã
	Saḍi  					SaḍIã

Class II has the following sub classes: Demonstrative, Interrogative,Relative and Reflexive.

Demonstratives (including IIIrd persons) are of two kinds: Remote, Proximate.

		Remote		o
		Proximate		e

			Singular 			Plural

	Nom. 		o / e			o / e
	Oblique		ukũ/ ikũ/ ĩ			unakũ / Inakũ
			unde / ũde 		unade / Inade
			inde / ĩde		
	Possessive	unda / ũda			unada / Inada.


	Interrogative pronouns  / Koì/  and  /ke/
       		Koṇ has references to human indicating nouns.
       		While ke  refers non-human indicating nouns. 

	Examples		Singular			Plural
	Nom.		koì  ‘who’			koì     ‘who’
	Obl.		kɛkũ / kɛ̃			kInakũ / kInã
						KInade
	Poss.		kɛnde / kɛ̃de
			kɛnda / kɛ̃da		KInada.
			Ke    ‘what’

	Relative pronoun has the resulting paradigm as follows.  
		Jo           ‘who’

		Singular  			Plural
	Nom.	jo			jo
	Oblique 	jɛkũ			jInakũ
		jɛ̃			jInã
		jɛnde / jɛ̃de		jInade
	Poss.	jɛnda / jɛ̃da		jInada

ap. is reflexive pronoun, which has reference to Ist, IInd, and IIIrd person pronouns e.g.

			Singular		Plural
	Nom.		ap		ap
	Obl.		apìe		apìe
	Poss.		әpìa		әpìe

c) Verbs:

In the verbal forms of Lahandā the initial unit is always a verb stem. Verb stems in this language are either simple, derived or compound. Simple forms are always monomorphemic forms. They are verb roots. E.g.

	a         -	‘to come’
	akh     -	‘to say’
	әṭәk    -	‘to delay’
	әla      -	‘to talk’
	kha     -	‘to eat’
	ca       -	‘to carry’
	ḍe       -	‘to give’
	ḍekh  -	‘to see’
	ghIn    -	‘to take’
	pәṭh    -	‘to send’
	pәrn    -	‘to get married’
	kәma   -	‘to earn’
	pәkәṛ   -	‘to catch’.

Derived stems are those verbal stems, which are formed by adding different stem forming suffixes to the roots.

Verb stems may be divided into two classes I strong stems,II week stems. E.g.

 
Class I	joṛ 	‘to repair’		juṛ -wa-	‘cause to get repair’
	Kha	‘to eat’		khәwa	‘to feed’
	Si	‘to sew’		sI wa-	‘to get sews’  

Class II
	pәṛ 	‘to read’	pәṛ  wa	‘cause to get read’
	uḍ	‘to fly’	uḍa	‘cause to fly’ 

Transitive stem formation:

In a number of cases, an intransitive verb has a corresponding transitive stem formed by vowel alternation (which is usually called ablaut), which involved both qualitative and quantitative change of vowels. These transitivized stems can further be derived into causative stems by adding causal suffixes. E.g.

	Intransitive 			Transitive

	mәr    -   ‘to die’			mar   -   to kill

	sәṛ      -   ‘to burn’			saṛ     -  ‘to burn some one or some thing’

	ruk      -   ‘to stop’			rok    -   ‘to stop some one’

The only exception is pi    ‘to drink’, which has       - la instead of  	- wa   as causative.
	Pi        ‘to drink’			PIla	‘to get drink’

There is a class of consonant ending roots, which has two forms. 
	Pәṛ    -   ‘to read’	Pәṛa  - to get  ‘read’    pәṛwa   -  ‘cause to get read’
	LIkh -    ‘to write’	lIkha – to get ‘written’ lIkhwa -  ‘cause to get written’

There is a class of consonant ending root, which has one causative form.
	khol  -    ‘to open’  	khulwa		‘to get to open’
	gol    -    ‘to find’	gul wa		‘to get found’
	sәd    -    ‘to call’	sәd wa		‘to get called’

Passive stems are developed from transitive verb roots by suffixing - wij / - ij to the vowel ending or consonant ending roots respectively. They occur as first member of a compound verb. Construction with post stem of the verb wәũ - ‘logo’ as the second member.

Examples:
	Si           -	SI  wij	‘to be sewn’  
	dho        -	dhu wij 	‘to be washed’ 
	pa          -	pәwij	‘to be put on’
	kәp        -	kәpij	‘to be cut’
	pәrn       -	pәrnij	‘to be married’

	kәmiz    - 	sIwij gәi          he  ‘the shirt has been sewn’  
	chor       -	pәrnij  gɛ        ‘the boy has been got married’  

Compound verbs:

          Compound verbs can be divided into two main classes:
1.	Double verb.
2.	Conjunct verb.

Double verb is two one word verb lexical item behaving as single grammatical unit and occurring in a fixed order without the possibility of separation by any other element except negative or emphatic particles.

The second form is inflected. The form of the root may be same in both the words e.g.

	ghIn  		ghIn 		‘take’
	ḍe  		ḍe		‘give’

The form of the root of the second word may be rhyming form of first occurring only in collocation with first (verb) lexical item within the main past of the verbal phrase, e.g.

	mar 	mur 	‘kill’
	mãj	mũj	‘clean’

           The form of the root may be different in each of the two words. E.g.  


Compound root:

	bɛ  wәñ	‘sit down’
	ghIn a	‘bring’
	sәṭ  ghәt	‘throw down’
	bhәj wәñ	‘run away’ 


Suffixed forms:
     	
	khada	pita	 khada na pita		‘without eating’
 	dhãta	dhũta	 dhãta na dhũta		‘without bathing’

Conjunct verb:

Conjunct verb contains two one-word forms, the components of which are classifiable at the lexical level as noun lexical item and verb lexical item. The noun lexical item remains uninflected and is regarded as a component of the verb. E.g.

	dan	dewәṇa 	‘to give charity’ 
	sәla	dewәṇa	‘to advise’
	bәdla	ghInṇa	‘to avenge’ 
	gusa	thiwәṇa	‘to be angry’

            The function of ho  (‘existence, to be, presence’) and  ‘to be’ is quite different 
in this language.  E.g.
	bhәla	thiwi	‘may god bless you’
	kәm	thiwi	‘let your work be done’
	mɛḍa	kәm thi gɛ     ‘my work has been done’
	pәrsũ 	karsi thisi      ‘There will be fast day after tomorrow’ 

But
	mɛ  ghәr   hosã	‘I will be home’
	O Itthaĩ  hosi	‘he will be here’ 

Present participle forms are formed by adding    -nda,     -da, ẽda  -,  enda  -
	a       -	‘to come’		anda 	ãda
	dhã   -	‘to bathe’	   		dhãda
	dho   -	‘to wash’			dhõda
	ḍe     -	‘to give’			dẽda
	mәr   -	‘to die’		mәr + da	mәrda
	akh    -	‘to say’ 		a + da	ada
	ḍekh  -	‘to see’		ḍe + da	ḍeda
	pәṛ    -	‘to read’		pәṛ + da	pәṛda
	khol   -	‘to open’		khulẽda	khulẽda
	ḍәs    -  	‘to tell’		ḍәsẽda
	mar   -	‘to kill’		mәrẽda

Further these forms are inflected for gender and number and agree with the subject in both the categories. E.g.

		Singular 		Plural

	masc.	khãda		khãde
	fem.	khãdi		khãdIã

Passive present participle:

This stem is formed by adding - winda and - inda to the roots ending in vowels and consonants respectively. It is further inflected for number. E.g.

	kәr   -	‘to do’		kәrĩda
	pәrn  -	‘to marry’		pәrnĩda
	dhã    -	‘to bathe’		dhәwĩda

Past participle:

This is formed by suffixing one of the following allomorphs of the past participle to the verb stems and further it is inflected for gender and number. Allomorphs of the verb roots entering into construction with past participle suffix cannot be stated in any regular way except by listing them. Of all these lexically conditioned allomorphs, - Iya is the most productive. The allomorphs are as follows.

      / -Iya œ - t œ - d œ - dh œ - th œ - tḥ 	œ - ṇ/

Examples:
     	pәṛ       -    pәṛIya	   	‘read’
	dәs       -	ḍәsIya		‘told’
	ḍe         -	ḍIta		‘gave’
	ḍhã       -	ḍhãta		‘bathed’
	kәr       -	kita		‘did’
	kәma   -	kәmata		‘earned’
	kha      -	khada		‘ate’
	ghIn     -	ghIda		‘took’
	bәn      -	bәddha		‘binded’
	lәbh     -	lәdha		‘fannal’
	lɛ        -	lәtha		‘descended’ 
	ḍhɛ      -	ḍhәṭha		‘fell down’
	ḍekh    -	ḍItḥa		‘saw’
	bɛ       -	bɛṭha		‘sit’
	ro        -	runa		‘wept’

            The following form their past in unique pattern –

	wәŋ    -  	‘to go’		gIa	‘went’
	mәr    -	‘to die’		moya   	‘died’
	a         -	‘to come’     	aya       	‘came’
	akh     -	‘to say’		akhya  	‘said’

The past participle form is further inflected for gender and number according to the concordance with the subject or object. E.g.

		Singular		Plural

	Masc.	kita		kite
		aya		aye
		gIa		gɛ
		khIdya		khIle

		Singular		Plural

	Fem.	kiti		kitIã
		ai		aiã
		gәi		gәIã
		khIli		KhIlIã

Use of pronominal suffixes with past participle:

/ -әs / or/ - os / is added to the past participle stem of the main verb when the subject is the third person and its object is followed by /-kũ/ postposition. E.g.

	kitos 	Unã kũ      	Kәṭha kitos	‘He collected them’ 
	akhyos	Unã kũ		akhyos.		‘He said to them’
	kiṭs	Kitab kũ		ke kiṭs		‘What did he do to the book?’
	akhyәs	tɛkũ  ke		akhyәs		‘What did he say to you?’

		-os is honorific singular form also.

/- om/ and /- ose/ are added to the past participle stem of the main verb to indicate Ist person singular and plural (also singular honorific) subjects respectively e.g.

           gIom	‘I went’
           gIose	‘We went’

Formation of infinitives:

The simple infinitive is formed by adding /-ṇa / /-әṇa/ to verb stems respectively in a consonant and vowel ending words respectively.

Examples:
		kәrna		‘to do’
		ghInṇa		‘to take’
		dekhṇa		‘to see’
		wәñṇa		‘to go’
	a   -	awәṇa		‘to come’
	kha  -	khawәṇa		‘to eat’
	khәwa  -	khәwawәṇa	‘to get eaten’

The conditional infinitive is formed by adding /-әṇ/ and /- wәṇ/ to the consonant ending and vowel ending stems of the verb respectively e.g.

      	lIkh     -	lIkhәṇ 	‘to write’
	pәṛ      -	pәṛәṇ	'to read’
	wәñ     -	wәñәṇ	‘to go’
	a         -	awñṇ	‘to come’
	ḍe       -	dewәṇ	‘to give’
	ḍIwa   -	dIwawәṇ	‘to cause to be given’
	lәha    -	lәhawәṇ	‘to bring down’


Conjugation: 
     Hortative Inflections: 

                 Verb stems are inflected to develop hortative conjugation.   
     Hortative is inflected for person and number.       

		Kha    - 	‘to eat’ 

		Singular	Plural

     Ist person	kha wã	kha ũ
     IInd person	kha wẽ	kha o
     IIInd person	kha we	kha wәn
		kәp   -	‘to cut’

     
     Ist person	kәpã	kәpũ
     IInd person	kәpẽ	kәpo
     IIInd person	kәpe	kәpәn

     When the action is desiderative or benefactory  - i is added e.g.
                   	
		bhәla     thiwi 	‘may god bless you!’
                   	jәr  lәgi  rawi	‘May your root remain for ever!’
		dhәn kɛm rawi	‘May your wealth remain for ever!’

     Imperative is inflected only for number .   E.g.


		Singular	Plural

     IInd person	kha   ‘eat’	khao
		kәp   ‘cut’	kәpo
		wәñ  ‘go’	wәño

     Imperative formal or polite / honorific.


		Singular 	Plural

     IInd person	Khawĩ	Khәwae 	‘please eat etc’.
		wәñĩ	wәñae		
		awĩ	awae

Pronominal suffixes with Imperative forms:

To the imperative forms of the verb the suffixes /-әs/, /-es/ and /-os/ singular and plural respectively are added when the action denoted by the verb has reference to the third person. It also implies emphasis. E.g.

		Singular 					Plural

	ghInәs	‘You (Sg.) take from her/them’		ghInos 	‘You take from him/him/her/them’.				 	   

	cawәs 	‘Carry him (etc.)			ca os	‘Carry him’  (etc.)

	wәñәs	‘go with him(etc.)			wәños	‘go with him’ (etc.)

	pәṛwa-wәs ‘get him taught’ (etc)			pәṛwa os	‘get him/taught him’(etc.)

	pәṛwes
	pәṛawəs 
	pәṛes	‘teach him’ (etc).			pәṛa os	‘teach him’  (etc.)

	khәwa wәs‘you feed him’ (etc).			khәwa os	‘you feed him (etc.)

       With causal stems  / - әs / and  / - os / form freely varying alternants.  

Optative:

The optative is formed by adding /- ida / to the verb stems. It is inflected for gender and number categories. The only verb exhibiting its form is /ca/.

		Singular		Plural

	Masculine	caida		caide
	Feminine	caidi		caidIã

The future tense is formed by adding - s to the intransitive verbs and vowel ending transitive verbs and - es in consonant ending transitive verbs. The form is then followed by person + number endings. E.g.

		Intransitive verb roots.

	Future:
		-  a    ‘to come’

		Singular 			Plural

Ist person		a - s - ã   ‘I will come’ 	a - s - ű 	‘We will come’

IInd person		a - s - ẽ   ‘You will come’	a - s - o	‘You will come’

IIIrd person		a - s - i    ‘he/she will come’ 	a - s - әn	‘They will come’ 

                       ho   -     ‘to be’


		Singular			Plural

Ist person		hosã   ‘I will be’		hosű	‘We will be’

IInd person		hosẽ   ‘You will be’		hoso	‘you will be’

IIIrd person		hosi    ‘he/she will be’		hosәn	‘they will be’ 


Consonant ending Transitive verb roots :

          	kәr  -   ‘to do’

	Singular			Plural

Ist person	kәresã     ‘I will do’		kűresű  	‘We will do’

IInd person	kәresẽ    ‘You will do’		kәreso 	‘You will do’

IIIrd person	kәresi      ‘he/she will do’	kәresәn	‘They will do’.


Causative verb stem: 

                  khәwa  -   ‘Cause to get eaten / to feed some one.

		Singular 		Plural

Ist person		khәwesã		khәwesű
IInd person		khәwesẽ		khәweso
IIIrd person		khәwesi		khәw esәn

Use of pronominal suffixes with future forms:

When the addressee is second person / - a / or / - i / is added after the third person future forms singular and plural respectively and it implies emphasis also.

Examples: 
             roti koṇ khәwesi  - a  	‘Who will feed you?’
             bhãḍe ḍhɛ posәni   	‘The Utensils will fall down’
			‘Addressing to the IInd person for caution sake’

/ - әs / and / - os / is added when IIIrd person is the subject of intransitive verb and the object of transitive verb, it is expressed by - əs and - os in singular and plural respectively, the latter being used for singular honorific also.

Examples:
	ma  mәre sәs	‘Mother will beat him’
	ma mәr sәs tã 	‘When her / his mother will die, then he/
	sukh  pãsi		she will acquire happiness. 
	tű khawesәs	‘You will feed him / her.’
	tusã khәwe sos	‘You will feed him / her / them’.

Auxiliaries:

There are two sets of verbal auxiliaries, inflected for person and number. There is no distinction for gender.

Set I          
Imperfective		Positive
		Singular		Plural
Ist person		hā     ‘am’		hɛ̃	‘are’
IInd person   	hẽ     ‘are’		ho / hiwe	‘are’
IIIrd person		he      ‘is’		hIn	‘are’

			Negative
Ist person		na hã  -  nã	na hɛ̃     -  nɛ̃
IInd person		na hẽ -  nẽ		na hIwe  -  nIwe
IIIrd person		nәI he  -  nәI	na hIn   -  nIn

Set II

Perfective 			Positive
Ist person		hәm	‘was’	hase	‘were’
IInd person		nawẽ	‘were’	hawe	‘were’
IIIrd person		hai	‘was’	hәn	‘were’

			Negative 
Ist person		nәm		nase
IInd person		nawẽ		nawe
IIIrd person		nai		nәn

Auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes:

There are two other sets of auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. They also indicate the categories of person and number.

Set I
Imperfective 		     Positive
		Singular		Plural

Ist person		hIm		hIse
IInd person		hIwi / hIni		hIwe / hIne
IIIrd person		hIs		hIne

Negative

Ist person		nIm		nIse
IInd person		nIwi		nIwe
IIIrd person		nIn		nine

Set II
Ist person		hәm		hase
IInd person		hawi / hani		hawe / hane
IIIrd person		hәs		hane

Negative

Ist person		nәm		nase
IInd person		nawi		nawe
IIIrd person		nәs		nane 

d) Adjectives:

Adjective stems in Lahandā may be simple, derived and compound. There are three grammatical categories in adjectives. E.g.

2.	Gender
3.	Number
4.	Case

Adjectives are characterized by their inflections for masculine and feminine i.e. One class of adjectives ending in - a have masculine and feminine pairs but there are several adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction and gender forming suffixes are not added. There are two numbers.

1.	Singular
2.	Plural.
     

Adjectives, which are characterized by their inflections for masculine and feminine respectively, show inflected forms for two numbers. All those adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction are neutral to number distinction also.

There are two cases. I. Nominative II. Oblique.

The suffixes represent both case and number; they are segmentable for the two categories separately. E.g.

		Singular		Meaning		Plural		Meaning.        
Masc.Noun Nom.	Kala ghoṛa		‘black horse’	Kaleghoṛe		‘black horses’
Obl.		Kale ghoṛe kű	‘to the black horse’   	Kale ghoreã kű	‘to the black horses’
				 		                    
Nom.		cәŋŋa chor	‘good boy’	    	cәŋŋe chor	‘good boys’
Obl.		cәŋŋe chor kű	‘to the good boy'	cәŋŋe chorã kű	‘to the good boys’
				 		 			 
Fem.Noun.Nom. 	cәŋŋI cher		‘good girl’		cәŋŋIã cheri	‘good girls’
Obl.		cәŋŋi cher kű	‘to the good boy’	cәŋŋIã cheri kű	‘to the good girls’ 

All other adjectives have the same form constantly whatever the gender, number and case may be e.g.

        	sәfed	‘white’
        	gulabi	‘pink’	
	sәmәjdar	‘wise’

According to the agreement in gender with the following noun, one class of adjective shows different forms according to the two genders.

         The other class has the same form whatever the gender of the noun maybe e.g.

Class I
	Masculine		Feminine		Meaning
	buḍha		buḍhi		‘old’
	mәndra		mәndri		‘short’
	bhɛṛa 		bhɛṛi		‘bad’
Class II
	gulabi		gulabi		‘pink’	
	udas		udas		‘sad’
	khuš		khuš		‘happy’
	khali		khali		‘vacant’

The - i ending adjectives in class II are derived forms. So they do not have the gender distinction.

With those adjectives, which have distinction for gender, the plural suffixes are added to the singular adjectives in nominative case. So these can be sub classed in to two classes for masculine and feminine forms. E.g.

	Masc.	Singular		Plural		Meaning

		buḍha		buḍhe		‘old’
		cәŋŋa		cәŋŋe		‘good’

	Fem.	cәŋŋi		cәŋŋIã		‘good’
		bhɛṛi  		bhɛṛIã		‘bad’
		pili		pilIã		‘yellow’ 

Adjectives are formed from different stem classes by adding derivational suffixes.

Feminine adjectives can be derived by adding feminine forming suffix - i to the masculine adjective stems e.g.

	Masculine		Feminine		Meaning
	cәŋŋa		cәŋŋi		‘good’
	phIka		PhIki		‘fadded’
	CIṭṭa		CIṭṭI		‘white’

Masculine and feminine forming suffixes - a, - i respectively are added to nouns to form adjectives. E.g.

	Noun	Meaning	Masc. adjective	Fem. adjective	Meaning

	gәnd	‘dirt’	gәnda		gәndi		‘dirty’
	mɛl	‘dirt’	mɛla		mɛli		‘dirty’
	kuṛ	‘lie’	kuṛa		kuṛi		‘liar’

Adjectives are derived from noun root by adjective forming suffix  - i   e.g.   
	Noun	Meaning	Adjective		‘Meaning’

	dag	‘spot’	dagi		‘spotty’
	kimәt 	‘price’	kimti		‘expensive’

Numerals form a sub-class of adjective and belong to the IInd class of adjectives, which have the same form whatever the gender of the noun.

On the basis of their internal structure and cardinal numerals in Lahandā can be grouped into two classes.
1. Simple Cardinal numerals.
2. Complex which are all compounds.


The simple numerals are monomorphemic forms and they are limited in the language. They are further subdivided in two classes as basic and nodes.

The basic numeral forms reflecting to numbers one to nine always occur as attributes in derived numeral forms whereas the nodes ten, hundred, thousand, lakh etc occur as head of the derived numeral construction. They form the head or nucleus of multiplicative and additives.

The basic numerals 1 to 9 always occur as first members of the derived numeral construction referring to any number below hundred. They are prefixed in the construction. They occur as preceding qualifiers to their nuclei (numerals) so, ‘hundred’, hәzar ‘thousand’, lәkh ‘lakh’ etc.

     	Basic numerals				Nodes

	hIk	‘one’			ḍa		‘ten’
	ḍu	‘two’			So		‘hundred’
	trɛ	‘three’			hәzar		‘thousand’
	car	‘four’			lәkh		‘lakh’
	pәñ	‘five’			kәṛor		‘ten million’
	chĩ	‘six’
	sәt	‘seven’	
	әth	‘eight’
	nau	‘nine’ 

The derived cardinal numerals are those numeral formations, which are developed in various ways from the basic numerals, and they are from biomorphemic to poly-morphemic in their structure. The constructions, which are derived from the above basic numerals, represent the semantic categories of adjectives, - multiplicatives and combinations of both of these e.g.

	Coḍa	‘fourteen’
	Cali	‘forty’
	Curtali	‘forty four’ 

Cardinal numerals are formed by suffixing the ordinal suffix to cardinal numerals. These ordinal numerals belong to class I adjectives unlike cardinal numerals. The ordinals are inflected for gender and oblique case. They agree in gender and case with the nouns, which they modify.

The ordinal numeral Pɛla for ‘first’ is a suppletion form suppleting both the cardinal numeral and the ordinal suffix. For ‘Second’ and ‘third’ - j is added to the cardinal numeral.

	ḍuja	‘Second’ (masc.)
	trija	‘third’ (masc.)

- th   is added to the ordinal numeral for  ‘four chotha  ‘fourth  (masc.)
and  -  w  - is added elsewhere.
	pәñwa 	‘fifth’
	chĩwa 	‘sixth’
	sәtwa	‘seventh’
	әṭhwa	‘eighth’ 

e) Adverbs:

Adverbs are not inflected like nouns and adjectives. There is an overlapping of adjectives and adverbs but their distinction from adjectives is quite clear because of their indeclinability. Some of the adverbs are as follows:

Adverbs of Time:

	Sәbaĩ		‘tomorrow’
	kәlәthű		‘day before yesterday’
	kәl		‘yesterday’
	әj		‘today’
	huṇ		‘now’
	tәḍәṇ		‘then’
	tã		‘then’
	kәḍaĩ		‘same time’
	kәḍәṇ		‘when’
	jәḍヽṇ		‘when’
	wәl-		‘again’
	sәwere		‘in the morning’
	roz		‘daily’
	pIche		‘after’
	bad wIc		‘later on’
	huṇ tori		‘as yet’
	әje tәk		‘as yet, still’
	rati		‘in the night’
	ḍihari		‘in the day’ 


Adverbs of place:

	Itthdaĩ		‘here’
	Itthã		‘here’
	Utthã		‘there’
	Utthaĩ		‘there’
	kItthã		‘where’
	jIttha		‘where’
	tәlle		‘below’
	utte		‘above, on’


Adverbs of Direction:

      Inte		‘this side’
      Unte		‘that side’
      KInte		‘which side’
      keṛe pase	‘which direction’
      ĩ pase		‘this side’
      ű pase		‘that side’
      Innű		‘from here’
      Unnű		‘from there’



Adverbs of manner:

      iwẽ		‘thus,  as, this way’
      uwẽ		‘so, that way’
      kiwẽ		‘how?’
      jIwẽ		‘as’
      tIkkhe tIkkhe	‘quickly’
      hole hole	‘slowly’
      ubale ubale	‘hurriedly’
      mәte / mәtәṇ	‘perhaps’
      na		‘not, no’
      nәI		‘no’

      The adverbs of place are made emphatic by adding  -  ĩ e.g.
	Itthã + ĩ		Itthãĩ		‘in this very place’ 
	Utthã + ĩ		Utthaĩ		‘in that very place’ 

Some Adverbial suffixes:

Adverbs are not always marked by any suffixes, but the following stem forming suffixes are identifiable.

	- e	Wela		‘time’ ũ wele	‘at that time’
		Ubal		‘hurry’ ubale ubale	‘hurriedly’
		sәwera		‘morning’ sәwere	‘in the morning’

	-  i	rat		‘right’	   rati	‘in the night’
		ḍIhara		‘day’	  ḍIhari	‘in the day’
		sәc		‘true’	   sәci	‘truly’ 

These give an appearance of locative suffix but because the locative is not a marked case category in this language these have been included in the adverbs. It may be noted that there is reduplication in tikkhe tIkkhe etc.

Postpositions:

Postpositions occur after the oblique form of the noun and pronoun. These can be distributionally classified into three types.

1. da ‘of ‘ is inflected for gender, number and case and agrees with the following noun. E.g.

	Masculine	Feminine

Singular noun	da	di
              Obli	de	di

Plural noun	de	dIã
           Obl.	de / deã	de / dIã
           ram da bhIra		‘Ram’s brother’
           ram di bheṇ		‘Ram’s sister’
           ram de  bhIra kű	‘to Ram’s brother’
           ram di bheṇ kű	‘to Ram’s sister’
           ram  de bhIra		‘Ram’s brothers’
           ram  diã  bheṇi	‘Ram’s sisters’
           ram de  bhI rawṇ kű	‘to Ram’s brothers’ 
          ram  diã  bheṇĩ  kű	‘to Ram’s sisters’ 

          Post position kű, kű, and kolű follow the noun and show no inflection.
           kű	‘to’
           tű	‘from’     (Occurs with inanimate nouns)
           kolű      ‘from’     (Occur with animate nouns)

kũ postposition and / ˜ / nasalization as agentive marker occur with oblique pronouns and kolũ occurs after pronoun as oblique where all other postpositions can occur. E.g.

           kɛkű		‘to you’
           tɛ̃			‘you’
           tɛḍe kolű		‘from you’
           tɛḍe nal		‘with you’
           mɛḍe nal		‘with me’ 

There are a number of post positions which follow a noun or a noun plus de. The occurrence of de is optional in many cases. Some of these postpositions are further inflected for ablative case like nouns in ablative singular and they function like nouns.

	Post positions 		Forms in Ablative case

wic	‘in’		wIcű		‘from inside’
kol	‘with, in possession 	kolű		‘from near’
	 of near’
nal	‘with, close to near’	nalű		‘from near’
tәlle	‘below’		tәllű		‘from below’
bar	‘out side’		barũ		‘from outside’
utte	‘on,  up’		uttũ		‘from above’
ǝ̃dәr	‘in side’		ǝ̃ndrű		‘from inside’
pIche	‘after’		pIchű		‘from behind’  
әgge	‘in front of’		әggű		‘from before’
pase	‘towards’		pasű		‘from the direction of ‘
xatәr	‘for the sake of ‘

Examples:
	әhemari de wIc	әhemari wIc	‘in the Almirah’
	raje kol				‘in the possession of the king’ 
	mez  de  utte	mez utte		‘on the table’  

Conjunctions :

Conjunctions function as connectives and are indeclinable. Some of the conjunctions are as follows:

	te		‘and’
	je		‘if’
	әgәr		‘if’
	tã		‘then’
	ya		‘or’
	ya - ya		‘either ----  or’
	bhawẽ  -   tã	‘either  ---- or’
	hIke   -  hIke	‘either ---- or’
	na  -  na		‘neither ---- nor’
	pәr		‘but’
	lekin		‘but’
	jәḍәṇ  -  tәḍәṇ	‘when  ---- then’
	jeṛe wele - usse wele	‘when  ---- then’
	mәtәṇ		‘lest’ 

Interjections:

Interjections are words that carry sentence intonation and constitute complete utterance. Some of the interjections are as follows:

	šabaš		‘bravo!’ 
	hae		‘ah!’
	he bhәgwan	‘ah god!   ‘o true god!’ 
	hɛ̃		‘surprise!’ 

   	In calling to a person the interjection  ‘oh!’  Varies according to 
	the person addressed.
	wәṇ	‘oh!’  Informal address to a female’ 
	we	‘oh!’  (Informal address to a younger man)
	O saĩji	‘oh!’  (Formal address to a male) 

Emphatic particles:

Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be segmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance in thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:

	(a) I    roti      Khadi I nis		‘he/ she has non eaten food’.
	(b) Wi ḍal       WI pәi he		‘The pulse is also lying’ 
	(c)  jo    o        jo  aya hai		‘He had came’
	(d)  tã     mɛ   tã  na  wɛsã		‘I will not go’
	(e)  sәi   o   wәñe  tã   s&#ãi		‘let him / her go first’ 
	(f)  thoṛa  mɛ̃  thoṛa  akhe		‘I did not say,  did I ?’ 
	(g)  na  tű  roṭi  khadie na		‘You have eaten the food.’


tɛḍe khuã dee awe alã
tɛḍo khuã dẽ cәkə̄ϒ lal we bәna ṭ ḍe khuã de
dala jiwõ we bə̄na lәkh tiwẽ we bәna
tɛḍeã  bẽliã   de awe   aĩã
tɛḍe  belIãdẽ  pәṭke  lal  we bәna  tɛḍe  belIã
tɛḍIã ḍã bheṇi dẽ  awe  aϒa

data    -------  we  bena  lokh  thab  we  bore
wḍϒa  jiwẽ wo bena  lokh  thẽ  we  bone
wḍϒa bhufã  do  swe  efa
t&$949ḍIã bheṇI de әjәb sŋgar
we bәna tɛḍIã bheṇi 
s̀ala jiwẽ we bәna lәkh tiwẽ we bәna
tɛḍIã bhuIã de awe 
we bәna tɛḍIã bhuIã
de suwe nil lal we bәna

s̀ala jiwe we bәna lәkh tiwẽ we bәna
tɛḍIã bhIrawã de awe aĩa
tɛḍeã bhIrawã de hәth rumal we bәna
tɛḍeã caceã de awe aIã
tɛḍeã caceã de pәṭke  ni  lal  we  әna  tɛḍea caceã de
dala  jiwẽwe  bәna  lǝ̃kh  tiwẽ we bona

This is a folk song, sung by ladies on the occasion of the bridegroom's marriage ceremony.
We have come at your well, which has red coloured wheels. You may be blessed with long life. We have come to your friends who are wearing red turbans.

We had gone to your sisters who are wearing coloured dresses and ornaments you may be blessed with long life. We have come to your father’s sisters who are wearing red colored dupates (head sheets) we have come before your brothers who have coloured handkerchiefs in their hands. We have come before your uncles who are wearing red turbans which is symbol of happiness. You may live a long life.

kyũ  tIrImIya  koṭha  kyũ   tIrImIya
Iso koṭhe di  chhәt e puraṇi  koṭha  saḍa
iwñ tIrImIya
kyũ nIwIya  balul kyũ  nIwIya  Ise  babul
di  dhi  w  kuwari  babul saḍa  iwẽ  nIwIya
kyũ tIrImIya  koṭha kyũ  tIrImIya Ise
koṭhe  di chhot e  puraṇi koṭha  saḍa  iwẽ
nIwIya
kyũ nIwIya wiṛn  kyũ nIwIya  Ise  wiṛndi
bheṇ  kuwari  wiṛn  saḍa  iwẽ IwIya
kyũ tIrImIya  koṭha  saḍa  kyũ tIrImIya
Ise koṭhe di  chәt o  puraṇi  koṭha  saḍa
iwẽ tIrImIya
Kyũ nIwIya  mama saḍa  kyũ nIwIya
Ise  mame  bhәṇoji  ktuamri  mama saḍa  iwẽ nIwIya

It is a folk songs, sung on the occasion of bride’s marriage ceremony , showing how all the -------- relative of the bride have to bow before the in- laws of the bride.

The bride is daughter of the father, sister of the brother, neice to the uncles, so that all have to be humble while giving away the bride to the bridegroom. The symbolic use of the torn “leakage of the roof ” stands for their humanity in spite of their high status.

әlәr  aya  mɛḍe mәn bhaya
әchra  sәgәṇ  mәnaIya
Ise  lef  de õdor ni  koṇ  koṇ  aUtra
ni  mɛ̃ cothra  gopi  cәnd  ni wәni wәna sutra 
ni trijra ram rәlaIya Ise  loŋg de
õor  ni  logã  diã  purIã  ni  logõ  di
di  mušәk  ni   mušәk  reṇḍepṇre  de ai
ni  mušәk  mɛ̃ roṇḍepәre  de ai
puši  tɛḍe pes  bue  cәmba  tir  khәrã
wәḍe jhol bhәrã ni cәkor bhәrã
sukhe  lәdhe di sejhe  utte pawã ni
mɛ̃ morã wәne  di  sejhe  Utte  pawã

It is a folk song, sung by an elder lady (may be grandmother) on the occasion of the marriage ceremony of her grandson. To me it is an augury of a happy occasion under this quilt slept my son and daughter-in-law and with the blessing of god a child was born. This happy occasion reminds me of my own happy days.

There are chameli flower in our house, I will fill my jhol and baskets with these flowers and will decorate the bedding of the young bridegroom, who is very dear and precious to me.

aye  hәrIya  ni  bheṇ  hәrIyn  hәrIya  taã
bhage  bhәrIya  ni  h&31241rIya
hәrIa  ni  mae  hәrIa
ni jIs ḍIhare  mɛḍa hәrIya  pәṭwIlәtIya
Kuehәr  mɛIIya  Inã  daĩa  te  maIã
Kya kuj  ḍesã  tɛḍIã daIã te maIã
ni pǝ̃n  rIpIye  tɛḍIã  daIã te maIã
sucra tɛrewәr lale diã bheṇĩ
ni  jIs  ḍIhare  heәrIya  pәṭ  wIIeṭIya

This is a folk song, sung at wrapping ceremony of the newly born rule child. Addressing the child, it is stated that occasion was an auspicious one when the child took birth when a child is wrapped up in new piece of cloth and the nurses and maids took him in their lap.
what should I offer to the nurses and maids and what should I offer to the husband’s sisters, I will offer Rupee five each to the nurses and maids and I will offer a silken suit to the husband’s sisters.

ni  tar  kәrẽḍn  pũja
ni põ roti  ni  põ  rәti  tɛḍi  põ  tã põger  rәti
coleã  wallo  ma  sɛ̃da  sIŋgarIe  ma  ḍati  da  lal
rәtra  coIlle  ḍati  dẽ  mihәr   da  jhola  ḍati  ḍe mihәr
diã bhaĩ  of  tã pәlo  na   chUrәesãi  mɛ̃ ḍa  bal  bәcẽsi saĩ
ḍati  da  oawәra  mәIa  da  sawәra  kәrela  tɛḍe  sәnt
kerẽdan mela  tɛḍe  sadh  kerẽdẽn  mẽla  nәni  kar  kәrẽḍn  mela
ni  põ  rәti   ni  põ rәti  tɛḍi  põ  tã  põgәr  rәti
coleã  walje  ma  sәda   sIŋgarIe ma  ḍati  da  lal  rәtra
cola  ḍati  ḍa  mihәr  da   jhala  ḍati  ḍa  miәher  diã  bhan
mɛ̃  tã  pәlo  na  churәesãĩ  mɛḍa  bal  bocesi saĩ
ḍati  da  sawәra  mәIa da  sawәra  wәtaũ  khIrki  khel  ke
ẽder  aõ khIrki  ca  ke  bua  caũ   ni  põ rәti  ni  põ
rәti  tɛḍi põ  tã  põgәr  rәti  coleã  wallemā  sәda
sIŋgrIe  ma  sәda  sIŋgarIa  ma  dәati  da lal  rәtra
coIa  ḍati ḍi  mihәr  da  jhola  dәati  ḍi  mihәr  diã bhaĩ
mɛ̃tã  pәlo  na   chUresaĩ  mɛḍa  bal bәcesi saĩ ḍati  da
sawәra  mәIa  da  sawәra hIndwaṇa  tɛḍa  sәnt  korẽḍn maṇa
tɛḍo  sadh  korẽḍn  manәa  nәni  kar  kәrẽden  maṇa  ni  põ
rәti  ni  põ  rәti  tɛḍi  põ  tã   põgәr  rәti  coleã  walIe
ma   sәda  sIŋgarIa  ma  ḍati  da  lal  rәtra  cola  ḍati  ḍa
mihәr  da  jhola  ḍati  ḍa mihәr  dia bhaĩ mɛ̃  tã  pәlo
na  chUrәsãĩ  mәḍa bal bәcesĩ saĩ

This is a folk song sung at the occasion of puja before Goddess Mata Rani. The person infected with small pox or measles is brought in a form of procession before the Goddess and in her praise a song is sung.

We worship you the Goddess who is clad in red colored wail. This wail was dyed in red color by dyer. You have different dresses and always decorated with them. You have red colored shirts. We seek your blessings kindly send us waves of love and affection. I will not leave you, you will protect my child.

Please bestow me with greenery (kәrela). All the saints, Sadhus and other followers get together to worship you.

Please bless me with green brinjals (which is symbol of abundance) I must come to your presence whether the doors or windows are opened or not.

Please bestow me with green watermelon (which is symbol of coolness) at the saints, sadhus and other followers worship you in all respects. Please protect my child. I will not leave you.

khoṭ he  tẹ pIchaweṛe  kIr   kIr  kәrẽn  ḍoke
sәs  pUche  nәnaṇ  kolũ  nũ  kiã  saṛ  rәtoke
na pUch  sәse te  na  pUch  nәnaṇe
na  pUche  ara  para  mɛḍe  dll da  jaṇi
bɛr  sIdha ya  mɛ̃  tã  kәḍhedi   hã  da  saṛa
wɛ̃de  pɛ  we  na  wәño  kItthaĩ
roṭi  te  kәpra  we  jiwәṇ  jogo  we  rәb  ḍesi  Ithaĩ
wɛ̃de  wi  pɛ  we  tUaḍe  mũḍe  tulwar  he
sombәl  ke maro  we  cuṛe  wali  kUwar  he

In these lines mother-in-law enquires from her daughter about the sad mood in which the daughter-in-law replies to her sister –in-law that there is no need to enquire about my mental state nor I would wish that even the neighbors should enquire. Actually I am having sighs of grief due to separation from my husband and I am pining for him.

This is a couplet routed at the time of parting of the husband and his wife when he is going in search of employment in some other town. The wife requests her husband not to go away. She says, God will provide us with a living here itself. If you still insist on going, you must keep it in mind that you have responsibilities on your shoulders. You must be careful in dealings with others as you have a newly wed bride at home.

1.Nouns:

1. Stem Analysis:

The noun stems may be simple, complex or compound. The resulting forms analysed below are nouns, whatever the morphological status of their components.

(1)	Root
(2)	Root + Suffix
(3)	Root + Suffix + Suffix
(4)	Prefix + Root
(5)	Root + Root
(6)	Root + Root + Suffix

Examples:  
1.1.1.	Root

	kәḍ		‘back’
	kuar		‘wife’
	trimәt		‘woman’


1.1.2.	Root + Suffix:

lәmbai 		lamb+ -ai		‘length’
sәfai		sәf + -ai		‘Cleaniness’
wәdhai		wәdh + ai		‘Congratulations’ 
sәstwai 		sәst  +  -wai	‘cheepness’ 
cәŋŋai		cәŋŋ + -ai		‘goodness’ 
mәhaŋgwai	mәhaŋg +  -wai	‘dearness’ 
sәpera		sәp +  -era		‘snake charmer’ 
cugleṭ		cugl + -eṭ		‘back biter’ 
mәŋgta		mәŋg + - ta	‘beggar’
śIkari		śIkar + -i 		‘hunter’ 
wәpari		wәpar + -i		‘businessman’ 
khuni		khun + -i		‘murderer’ 
gәwãḍi		gәwãḍ +  -i	‘neighbour’
cumi		cum + -i		‘kiss’ 
bimari		bimar +  -i		‘sickness’ 
dhәnwan 		dhәn + -wan 	‘rich man’ 


1.1.3.	Root + Suffix + Suffix: 
nәc  +  әṇ  +  -al (a)			‘dancer’
ro   +  -wәṇ  +  -al (a)			‘one who weeps’ 

1.1.4.Prefix  + Root
pәr + ḍaḍ (a)				‘paternal grandfather’ 
pәr + ḍaḍ(i)				‘paternal grandmother’ 
pәr + nan(a)				‘maternal grandfather’
pәr + nan (i)				‘maternal grandmother’ 

1.1.5.Root + Root
kәn + -paṭi					‘Temple’  
ḍu  +  par					‘noon’

1.1.6.Root + Root + Suffix 
cә +  ku +  -ṭh (a)				‘having four corners’ 

1.2.	Grammatical Categories: 

There are three grammatical categories of nouns, viz.,
1.	Gender
2.	Number and
3.	Case

1.2.1. Gender:

Gender is inherent. All nouns in this language are divided into two classes, masculine and feminine. The only correlation is syntactic. All the nouns have to be listed under one or the other gender. However, it may be noted that some feminine nouns are overtly represented by feminine suffixes.

1.2.2.	Number:

There are two numbers:
1.	Singular
2.	Plural

A large number of nouns are inflected for singular and plural both, whereas a few are inflected for one, or the other only. There are nouns, which can be counted in numbers, but mass nouns can only be measured. Thus nouns can be classified into count nouns and mass nouns.

Example:
	Paṇi		‘water’
	lәu		‘blood’
	sudh		‘remembrance’
	khir		‘milk’

1.2.3. Case:

There are four cases; two of which, viz., nominative and oblique apply to all nouns. Vocative is mostly used with animate nouns. The ablative is used with a small class of nouns only in singular number.

1.	Nominative
2.	Oblique
3.	Vocative
4.	Ablative

The four cases are distinguished by the following suffixes:

		Singular			Plural
Nominative	ø			ә œ ø œ ĩ œ ri œ ã
Oblique		ә œ ø			ø œ eã  œ ã
Vocative 		e  œ ø			o  œ eo  œ  Io 
Ablative 		ũ

The suffixes represent both case and number. They are not segmentable for the two categories separately.

Illustrative paradigms are given below: 

 
Masculine – I
			Singular		Plural
	Nominative  	mama		mame
	Oblique 		mama		mameã
	Vocative 		mama		mameo 
	Ablative		-		-


Masculine – II
	Nominative 	ghәr 			ghər
	Oblique		ghәr			ghәrã
	Vocative		-			-
	Ablative		ghәrũ			-
	Nominative 	chor			chor
	Oblique		chor			chorã 
	Vocative		chor			choro
	Ablative 		-			- 


Feminine:
	Nominative 	cher 			cherĩ
	Oblique		cher			cherĩ
	Vocative		cher			cherIo
	Ablative 		   -			    - 

	Nominative	nũ			nũri
	Oblique		nũ			nũri
	Vocative 		nũ			nũrIo
	Ablative		  -			   -
	Nominative 	bã			bãi
	Oblique		bã			bãwã
	Vocative		  -			  -
	Ablative		  -			  -
	Nominative 	bhua			bhuiã
	Oblique		bhua			bhuiã
	Vocative		bhua			bhuIo
	Ablative		  -

1.3 Noun Classes:

e œ p œ ĩ œ ri œ ã are the plural suffixes added to singular nouns in nominative case. On the basis of these different plural endings, nouns can be classified as follows:

1.3.1. Class I  /e/ class: 
		Singular		Plural
		pәṭka		pәṭke 		‘turbans’ 
		bua		bua		‘doors’
		murga		murge		‘cocks’
		goḍa		goḍe		‘knees’ 
		ana		ane		‘eye balls’ 
		mama		mame		‘maternal uncles’ 
		phIpṛa		phIpṛe		‘lungs’
		ǝ̃dha		ǝ̃dhe		‘blind persons’ 
1.3.2. Class II  /p/ Class:

		kã			kã		‘crows’
		nã			nã		‘names’ 
		Ulu			Ulu		‘owls’ 
		nau 			nau		‘nails’ 
		khu			khu		‘wells’ 
		hәṇu			hәṇu 		‘jaws’ 
		gәḍu			gәḍu		‘donkeys’
		ḍәnd			ḍәnd		‘teeth’ 
		mor			mor		‘peacocks’
		chor			chor		‘boys’
		bal			bal		‘children’
		sIr			sIr		‘heads’
		bhIra			bhIra		‘brothers’ 

1.3.3.	 Class III /I/ class 

	Singular			Plural
	Cher			cherĩ		‘girls’ 
	bã			bãĩ		‘arms’
	trimәt			trimәti		‘woman’
	muk			mukĩ		‘fists’ 
	әkh			әkhĩ		‘eyes’
	bheṇ			bheṇĩ		‘sisters’
	kuar			kuarĩ		‘wives’
	bha  			bhaĩ		‘fires’ 

1.3.4.	 Class IV  /ri/ class

	dhi			dhiri		‘daughters’ 
	nũ			nũri 		‘daughters-in-law’ 

1.3.5.	 Class V  /ã/ class 

	khUi		khUiã		‘small wells’ 
	dhoti		dhotiã		‘saris’ 
	tәli		tәliã		‘palms’
	wәdhai		wәdhaIã		‘congratulations’ 
	jәŋg		jәŋgã		‘legs’ 
	kәmiz		kәmizã		‘shirts’
	much		muchã		‘moustaches’
	piṛ		pirã		‘pains’ 
	Il		Ilã		‘eagles’ 
	bhua		bhuIã		‘father’s sisters’ 

1.4. Derivative of Nouns:

1.4.1. Feminine nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to the masculine nouns. These suffixes are -i, -ṇ, -ṇi, -aṇi.

(a)	- i
Examples: 

Masculine		Meaning		Feminine		meaning

mama		‘maternal uncle’ 	‘mami’		‘aunty’  
caca		‘paternal uncle’	‘caci		‘aunty’
ghoṛa		‘horse’		ghoṛi		‘mare’ 
ḍaḍa		‘grand father’ 	ḍaḍi		‘grand mother’
potra		‘grand son’ 	potri		‘grand daughter’ 
sala		‘wife’s brother’ 	Sali		‘wife’s sister’
bhaṇeja		‘sister’s son’	bhaṇeji		‘sister’s daughter’ 
bhatrija		‘brother’s son’	bhәtriji		‘brother’s daughter’ 

(b)	-ṇ
naī		‘master’		ṇ  -ṇ		‘mistress’
kәsai		‘butcher’		kәsɛ  -ṇ		‘female butcher’ 
teli		‘oilman’		telә  -ṇ		‘oil woman’ 
moci		‘male cobber’ 	mocә  -ṇ		‘female cobber’ 
pujari		‘male priest’	pujarә -ṇ		‘female priest’ 
sәpera		‘male snake charmer’ sәperә -ṇ		‘female snake charmer’ 

(c)  -ṇi
sәp		‘male snake’	sәp  -ni		‘female snake’ 
śer		‘lion’		śer  - ni		‘lioness’ 
mor		‘peacock’		mor - ni		‘pea hen’ 
jadugar  		‘male magician’	jadugar  -ni	‘female magician’ 


(d) -aṇi
jeṭh  		‘husband’s elder brother’ 	jeṭh  - aṇi	‘husband’s elder brother’s wife’ 
ḍer		‘husband’s elder brother’ 	ḍer  -  aṇi	‘husband’s younger brother’s wife’ 


1.4.2.  Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to adjective stems. 

(a)  -i  :
	adjective		meaning		noun		meaning 

	pap		‘sin’		‘pap  -i		‘sinner’ 
	gәrib		‘poor’		‘gәrib –i		‘poverty’ 
	cәlak		‘clever’		cәlak  -i		‘cleverness’ 
	Udas 		‘sad’		Udas –i		‘sadness’
	Khuś		‘happy’		Khuś –i 		‘happiness’ 
	śukar		‘rich’		śukar  -i		‘richness’ 
	huśiyar		‘alert’		huśiyar –i		‘alertness’

(b)  -war

	adjective 		meaning		noun 		meaning
	kәsur		‘default’		kәsur – war	‘defaulter’ 
	
(c)-ai 
	saf		‘clean’		‘saf –ai’ 		‘cleaniness’ 
	mIṭha		‘sweet’		‘mIṭha –ai’		‘sweetmeat’ 


1.4.3. Conditional infinitives usually functions as nouns. 
	sәm -  әṇ		‘to sleep’ 
	kha -  wәṇ		‘to eat’
	dhã - wәṇ		‘to bathe’ 
	kәr  -  әṇ		‘to do’ 
	mәr  -әṇ		‘to die’
	woñ  -әṇ		‘to go’
	bәn  -әṇ		‘to bind’ 
	tәp  - әṇ		‘to heat’
	ḍha -wәṇ		‘to fall down’ 

This term in this sense has been borrowed from a reference Grammar of Punjabi, Gill H.S. and H.A. Gleason Jr. Punjabi University, Patiala, 1969 P. 37.

1.4.4.  Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to the noun stems. 
(a)	–ala
		noun		meaning		noun		meaning
		
		khir		‘milk’		khirala		‘milkman’ 

(b)	–era
		sәp		‘snake’		sәpera		‘snake charmer’ 

1.4.5. Compound nouns can be derived by repeating the first word, except that in the second item the first letter is replaced by ś.

	guthi  	śuthi	‘small bag etc.’
	roti   	śoti	‘food etc.’ 
	khir  	śir	‘milk etc.’ 
	paṇi  	śani	‘water etc.’

2. ADJECTIVES

2.1 Stem Analysis

The adjective stems may be simple, derived and compound. The resulting forms analysed below are adjectives, whatever the morphological status of their components.

(1)	Root
(2)	Root  + Suffix

Examples: 

2.1.1.  Root 
		ṭhula		‘fatty’
		suṇa		‘pretty’
		tәta		‘hot’
		kala		‘black’
		cәŋŋa		‘good’
		kula		‘soft’
2.1.2.	Root  + Suffix
		mɛl +  -a  		-   mfla		‘dirty’
		kuṛ  +  -a  		-  kuṛa		‘lair’
		sәmәj  +  -dar  	- sәmәjdar		‘wise’
		kimәt  +  -I  	-  kimti		‘expensive’ 
		gulab +  -i  	-  gulabi		‘pink’ 


2.2. Grammatical categories:

	There are three grammatical categories in adjectives,  viz.,
1.	Gender
2.	Number   and
3.	Case

2.2.1 Gender:

Adjectives are characterized by their inflection for masculine and feminine i.e. one class of adjectives ending in -a have masculine and feminine pairs but there are several adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction and gender forming suffixes are not added.

2.2.2.  Number: 

There are two numbers:
1.	Singular
2.	Plural

Adjectives, which are characterized by their inflection for masculine and feminine respectively, show inflected forms for two numbers. All those adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction are neutral to number distinction also.

2.2.3. Case:

	There are two cases: 
1.	Nominative
2.	Oblique 

The suffixes represent both case and number, they are not segmentable for the two categories separately.

Suffixes: 
			Singular		Plural

	Masc. Noun	    -a			   -e
	           Obl.	    -e			   -e

	Fem.  Noun	    -i			   -iã
		Obl.	    -i			   -iã

Illustrative paradigms are given below:

		 Singular  		Meaning		Plural 		Meaning 

Masc. Nom.  	Kala ghoṛa		‘black horse’ 	kale ghoṛe		‘black horse’ 
Obl.  	 	Kale ghoṛe kũ 	‘to the black horse'	kale  ghoṛeã kũ	‘to the black horse’ 
 
Masc. Nom. 	cәŋŋa chor	‘good boy’		cәŋŋe chor	‘good boys’ 
Obl. 		cәŋŋe chor kũ    	‘to the good boy’ 	cәŋŋe chorã kũ	‘to the good boys’ 

Fem.  Nom. 	cәŋŋi  cher 	‘good girl’		cәŋŋiã cheri	‘good girls’ 
Obl.   		cәŋŋi  cher kũ	‘to the good girls’ 	cәŋŋiã  cheri kũ	‘to the good girls’ 

All other objectives have the same form consistently whatever the gender, number and case may be e.g. sәfed, gulabi, sәmәjdar, etc.

2.3 Adjective Classes:

According to the agreement in gender with the following noun, one class of adjectives shows different forms according to the two genders.

The other class has the same form whatever the gender of the noun may be.

2.3.1.  Class I 
		Masculine		Feminine		Meaning

		buḍha 		buḍhi		‘old’
		sukka		sukki		‘dry’
		mәndra		әndri		‘short’
		gәnda		gәndi		‘dirty’
		kuṛa		kuṛi		‘lair’
		kala		kali		‘black’
		cәŋŋa		cәŋŋi 		‘good’
		bhɛra		bhɛṛI		‘bad’
		cIṭṭa		cIṭṭI		‘white’
		sәcca		sәcci		‘true’ 		


2.3.2. Class II

		gulabi		‘pink’
		khali		‘vacant’
		Udas		‘sad’
		Khuś		‘happy’ 			
		śukar		‘rich’
		bәu		‘much’, very’ 
		ghәṭ		‘less’
		cәlak		‘clever’
		sәmajdar		‘wise’ 

The -i ending adjectives in class II are derived forms. So they do not have the gender distinction.

With those adjectives, which have distinction for gender, the plural suffixes are added to the singular adjectives in nominative phase. So these can be sub classed into two:

	/  -e  / Class		(for masculine forms) 
	/  -I-ã /   class		(for feminine forms) 


		Singular 			Plural

(a) Masc.  		buḍha			buḍhe		‘old’  
	 	sukka			sukke		‘dry’ 
		kala			kale		‘black’
		cәŋŋa			cәnne  		‘good’

(b)  fem.		cәŋŋi			cәnnIã		‘good’
		bhɛṛi			bhɛṛIã		‘bad’
		pili			pilIã		‘yellow’
		kali			kalIã		‘black’ 

2.4 Derivation of Adjectives:

Adjective stems are formed from different stem classes by adding derivational suffixes as follows:

Feminine adjectives can be derived by adding feminine forming suffix -i to the masculine adjective stems.

Examples: 

	Masculine			- feminine
	cәŋŋa			cәŋŋi 			‘good’
	phIka			phIki			‘faded’ 
	kala			kali			‘black’
	cIṭṭa			cIṭṭI			‘white’ 
	mәndra			mәndri			‘short’
	suṇa			suṇi			‘pretty’ 

Masculine and feminine forming suffixes -a, -i respectively are added to nouns to form adjectives.

Examples: 

Noun 		Meaning		Masc. Adj.		Fem. adj.		Meaning. 
gәnd		‘dirt’		gәnda		gәndi		‘dirty’
mɛl		‘dirt’		mɛla		mɛli		‘dirty’
kuṛ		‘lie’		kuṛa		kuṛi		‘liar’
ṭhәḍh		‘cold’		ṭhәḍha		ṭhәḍhi		‘cold’ 

Adjectives are derived from noun root by adjective forming suffix -i. The meaning of it roughly being ‘related to’.

Examples: 

Noun		Meaning		adjective		meaning 
dag		‘spot’		dagi		‘spotty’ 
kimәt		‘price’		kimti		‘expensive’
bәdam		‘almond’ 		bәdami		‘almond coloured’ 
śәk		‘doubt’		śәki		‘doubtful’
gulab		‘rose’		gulabi		‘rosy’ 


2.5. Numerals:

Numerals form a sub-class of adjectives and belong to the II class of adjectives, which have the same form whatever the gender of the noun may be.

On the basis of their internal structure the cardinal numerals in Lahandā can be grouped into two classes. 1. Simple Cardinal Numerals and 2. Complex which are all compounds.

2.5.1. Simple Numerals:

The simple numerals are monomorphemic forms and they are limited in the language. They are further subdivided into two classes as basic and nodes.

The basic numeral forms referring to numbers one to nine always occur as attributes in derived numeral forms whereas the nodes ten, hundred, thousand, lakh etc occur as head of the derived numeral construction. They from the head of nucleus of multiplicatives and additives.

The basic numerals from 1 to 9 always occur as first members of the derived numeral constructions referring to any number below hundred. They are prefixed in the constructions. They occur as preceding qualifiers to other nuclei (numerals so, ‘hundred’ hazar ‘thousand’ lәkh ‘lakh’ etc.).

Examples: 

		Basic				Nodes		
	hIk		‘one’ 		ḍa		‘ten’ 
	ḍu		‘two’		so		‘hundred’ 
	trɛ		‘three’		hәzar		‘thousand’ 
	car		‘four’		lәkh		‘lakh’
	pәñ		‘five’		keror		‘ten million’ 
	chĩ		‘six’
	sәt		‘seven’
	әṭh		‘eight’
	nau		‘nine’ 

2.5.2. Derived Cardinal Numerals :

The derived cardinal numerals are those numeral formations, which are developed in various ways from the basic numerals and they are from bio-morphemic to poly-morphemic in their structure. The constructions, which are derived from the above basic numerals, represent the semantic categories of adjectives, multiplicatives and combinations of both of these.

For example: { coḍa } ‘fourteen’ is An additive formation developed with the basic numeral car and ḍa as first and second members of the construction. It means ‘four added to ten.’ As against this, { cali } ‘forty’ is a multiplicative formation constructed with a different set of allomorphs of the same morphemes car and ḍa to mean ‘four times ten’ {Curtali} ‘forty four’ is a formation, which is both additive and multiplicative. The first constituent of this construction is cur -an allomorph of car and the second constituent is tali an alternant of the multiplicative form cali which in turn is a formation of car and ḍa. This form means ‘four added to four times ten’.

The numeral allomorphs are morphologically conditioned and there are too many allomorphs for these numerals. The distribution of these allomorphs is not stated because they are morphologically conditioned and they are very complicated in certain cases. Their segmentation is also questionable.

2.5.3. Ordinal Numerals:

Ordinal numerals are formed by suffixing the ordinal suffix to cardinal numerals. The suffixal morpheme is {-w-} with allomorphs /-w- œ -j - œ - th-/. These ordinal numerals belong to class I adjectives unlike cardinal numerals. The ordinals are inflected for gender and oblique case. They agree in gender and case with the nouns, which they modify.

The ordinal suffix: /-w- œ -j - œ - th-/ The ordinal numeral pɛla for ‘first’ is a suppletion form suppleting both the cardinal numeral and the ordinal suffix. /-J-/ is added to the cardinal numeral for ‘second’ and ‘third’

	ḍuja		‘second’  (masc.)
	trija		‘third’  (masc.)
	/-th-/ is added to the ordinal numeral for ‘four’
	cotha		‘fourth’ (masc) 

/-w-/  is added elsewhere.
	pәñjwa 	‘fifth’
	chĩwa		‘sixth’
	sәtwa		‘seventh’
	әthwa		‘eighth’ 

3. PRONOUNS

3.1 Characteristics and Construction:

Pronouns are syntactically definable as a class of forms substitutable for nouns. They share the same features as nouns by entering into construction with inflections of gender, number and case, but they are distinguished from nouns by having a category of persons and they do not have inherent gender like nouns.

Pronouns have varying forms according to case and number. They occur in their basic form in nominative singular and in their alternant forms in other paradigms.

The pronominal root either in its basic or alternant form occurs as the first member of the construction followed by the number suffix as second member and oblique stem forming suffix as the third member and the case suffixes as the final member of such forms.

	The final resulting forms of the pronouns are as follows: -

	+pr.R.  +ø pl.  +ø st. S.  + case

		Singular			Examples

Nominative	pr. R.  +  ø (case)		mɛ̃,   tũ, o,e
Oblique		pr. R. +  ø  (stem) + ø  	(case)  mɛ - kũ
		pr. R. + st.S. + case		mf ḍɛ me-ḍ -e




		Plural					Examples

Nominative 	pr.R + pl. + ø (case)			ә -sã әsã
Oblique		pr.R + pl. + case			ә -sa –kũ әsakũ sɛkũ
		Pr.R. +pl. +st.S. +case		Un –a –d+e	Unade

3.2. Pronoun Classes:

On the basis of their distribution with the alternant forms of plural suffix and the oblique stem-forming suffix with which they enter into construction, pronouns are classified into two types. Accordingly, the first and second person pronouns belong to class I, and the other pronouns fall under class II.

3.3. Number:

Pronouns have a category of number. There are two numbers, singular and plural. The singular is unmarked and the pronominal roots in plural occur with suffixes as follows:

	Class I  (I and II person) 
	Nom. -sã
	Obl.   –a   ~ -ø 

	Class II  (others)
	Nom.  –ø
	Obl.  –a   ~  -ø

The first and second person pronouns have plural suffix -sã in the nominative. The other pronouns have -p suffix in the nominative. On the basis of this distribution, the I and II person pronouns belong to class I and rest to class II.

In the oblique, all the pronouns have -ø as the plural marker occurring after the pronominal roots. In the first person there are two freely varying forms in plural, one with the plural suffix and the other without it. Where respect is shown, the plural forms are used as honorific singular forms.

Examples: 
				Singular 			Plural
Nominative:  
	1st person		mɛ̃		‘I’ 		ә   -sã 	‘we’ 
	IInd person		tũ		‘you’ 		tu -sã	‘you’(pl.)
	IIIrd person 
	Remote		o		‘he,she, 		o	‘they’
					that’			these’ 
         Proximate		e		‘he,she,		e	‘they,
					this’ 			these’

Oblique : 
	Ist person 		mɛḍe		‘my’ 		әsaḍe-sɛḍe	‘our’
	IInd person 	tɛḍe		‘your’		tuaḍe		‘your’ 
	IIIrd person		unde-ũde		‘his’		Unade		‘their’
					her’ 
	Proximate		inde- ĩde		‘his’		Inade		‘their’
					her’


3.4. Case:

	There are three cases.
1.	Nominative
2.	Oblique
3.	Possessive

The case suffixes are the same for singular and plural. These occur as the last member of the construction except in possessive where the gender, number suffix itself functions as case.

	Nominative			-ø
	Oblique				-e
	Possessive			-ø + gender – number suffixes, the same as for 
						Nouns. 
Examples:
			Singular 		Plural 
	nom.		mɛ̃		әsã
	obl.		mɛḍe		әsaḍe   ~ sɛḍe
	poss.masc.	mɛḍe/mɛḍe	saḍa  ~   saḍa/saḍe
	fem.		mɛḍi/mәḍIã	saḍi/saḍiã	

3.5. Oblique stem forming suffixes:

Pronouns in their oblique case have the stem forming suffixes as follows. They are the same for both sg and pl.

	Class I			-ḍ-	œ	-ø-
	Class II			-d-  	œ	-ṇ   -	œ	-ø- 

Distribution:

3.5.1. For Class I pronouns:

-ø- occurs after pre roots when followed by post-position -kũ and nasalization in oblique as agentive marker.
-ḍ else where.

3.5.2. For Class II pronouns:

-ø- occurs after pr. Roots when followed by the-kũand nasalization in oblique as agentive marker.

	-ṇ- with reflexive pronouns.
	-d-  else where. 
Examples: 
	Class I
				Singular			Plural
	Oblique  Ist person 		mɛ    -kũ			sɛ  -kũ
				mɛ̃			әsã
				mɛ  -ḍ   -a			sa   -ḍ  -e

	IInd person 		tɛ  -kũ			tɛa - kũ
				tɛ̃			tusã
				tɛ   -ḍ   -e			tua  -ḍ   -e


	Class II 		
				Singular		Plural
	Oblique  IIIrd person		u  -kũ		Una  -kũ
				ũ		Unã
				inde-ĩde		Ina  -d -e   Inade 
				unde-ũde		Una  -d -e  Unade   
				kɛnde-kɛ̃de	kInade


3.6. Allomorphic distribution of prominal roots : 

3.6.1.	Class I
3.6.1.1. First person				{mɛ̃}
	/mɛ̃  ~  mɛ -  ~  ә  -, әsã  ɛ  sɛ  -/	“I”

Distribution :

mɛ̃ - occurs in nominative singular. mɛ - in oblique sg with stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and with nasalization as agentive marker, with stem forming suffix -ḍ e elsewhere. ә - Occurs as stem alternant before plural suffix -sã in nominative Pl. The stem with plural suffix has alternants as follows. әsa - sa as a freely varying form of -e occurs in oblique without the stem-forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -ḍ - else where.

The resulting paradigm of first person pronouns will be: -

			Singular			Plural
Nominative		mɛ̃			әsã
Oblique			mɛ̃ -kũ			әsakũ    sɛkũ
			mɛ̃			әsã
			mɛḍe			әsade/saḍe
Possessive		mɛḍa			әsaḍa/saḍe


3.6.1.2.  Second Person: 
/tũ  ~  tɛ̃ -  ~  tu  -  ~   tUa   -/		“you” 

Distribution:

tũ occurs in nominative sg. tɛ in oblique sg. Without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -ḍ- elsewhere. tu- occurs as stem alternant in nominative before plural suffix -sã The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: tua - in oblique without the stem-forming suffix before the postposition -kũ and nasalizatin and with stem forming suffix -ḍ- elsewhere. The resulting paradigm of II person pronouns will be: -

				Singular			Plural

	Nominative 		tũ			tusã
	Oblique			tɛkũ			tuakũ
				tɛ̃ 			tusã
				tɛḍa			tuaḍe
	Possessive		tɛḍa			tuaḍa


3.6.2.	Class II

Pronouns have the following sub classes: 

1.	Demonstrative
2.	Interrogative
3.	Relative
4.	Reflexive

These sub classes are distinguished on the basis of certain syntactic and semantic criteria.

3.6.2.1.	Demonstratives (including III person) are of two kinds: -
1.	Remote
2.	Proximate

III. Person:   
Remote 	{o}
	/o -  u    ~  un  -  ~  Una  -/	“he,she,  it,  that” 
Proximate	{e}
	/o   ~   i  -   ~  in  -   ~  Ina -/	“he, she, this” 

Distribution:

O - occurs in nominative sg and pl. U - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ post-positioned nasalization as agentive marker. Un - occurs in oblique sg with stem forming -d- elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows. Una- in oblique without stem forming suffix before - kũ Post position and with nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere. e- Occurs in nominative sg and pl. I- in oblique sg without stem forming suffix followed by -kũpostposition and with nasalization as agentive marker. In- in oblique with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows. Ina- in oblique without stem forming suffixes before post position -kũ and nasalization and with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere.

	The resulting paradigms of demonstrative pronouns will be: 

‘Remote’ 			Singular			Plural

Nominative 		o			o
Oblique			ukũ			unakũ
			unde  -  ũde		ũnade
Possessive		unda - ũda			unada

‘Proximate’ 		Singular 			Plural

Nominative		e			e
Oblique			ikũ			Inakũ
			ĩ			Inã
			inde  - ĩde			Inade
Possessive		inda - ĩda			Inada

3.6.2.2. Interrogatives:

There are two interrogative pronouns /koṇ/ and /ke/ koṇ has reference to human indicating nouns while he refers non-human indicating nouns.

(a)	{koṇ} 
/ koṇ    ~  kf  -   ~   kin   -   ~  kina -/      “who”  

Distribution: 

koṇ  -	occurs in nominative sg and pl.
kf   -	occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by  -kũ 
	postposition and with nasalizations as agentive marker. 
Kfn -	occur in oblique with stem forming suffix  -d- elsewhere. 
	The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: 
Kina -	occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by  -kũ postposition and 
	nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix  -d- elsewhere. 
	The resulting paradigm will be as follows:

			Singular			Plural
Nominative		koṇ			koṇ
Oblique			kɛkũ			kIna  kũ
			kɛ̃ 			kInã
			kɛnde - kɛ̃ de		kInade
Possessive		kɛnda -  kɛ̃ da		kInada

(b)   {ke}	“what” 


Distribution: 

	Ke occurs only in this form and has no paradigms. 

3.6.2.3. Relative:

The relative pronouns have the following allomorphs with their distribution as stated under: {jo} /jo - jɛ̃ - ~ jIn - ~ jIna -/ “who” jo occurs in nom. sg and pl. jɛ̃ - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -ku postposition and with nasalization as agentive marker. jĩn - occurs in oblique with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: jIna - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and with nasalization as an agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The resulting paradigm will be as under:

				Singular		Plural

Nominative 			jo		jo
Oblique				jεkũ		jInakũ
				jɛ̃ 		jInã
				jɛnde - jɛ̃ de	jInade
				jɛnda -  jɛ̃ da	jInada

3.6.2.4. Reflexive:

ap is reflexive pronoun, which has reference to I, II, and III person pronouns. The pronominal form in reflexive occurs only in sg. {ap} /ap - ~ ap-/

Distribution: 

	ap	occurs in nom.  sg and pl. 
	әp	occurs in oblique with stem forming suffix  -ṇ-

	Examples:
				Singular			Plural 
	Nominative 		ap			ap
	Oblique 			ṇpṇe			ṇpṇe
				әpṇa			ṇpṇa

4. VERBS:

In the verbal forms of lahandā the initial unit (segment) is always a verb stem. Verb stems in this language are either simple, derived or compound. Simple forms are always monomorphemic forms. They are the verb roots. The verb roots have the canonical shapes as stated below:

4.1. Canonical Form: 

(1)	V
(2)	VC
(3)	VCV
(4)	VC VC
(5)	CV
(6)	CVC
(7)	CVC
(8)	CV CV
(9)	CVCVC


Examples :

4.1.1.   V-
a-	to come’
4.1.2.	VC-
akh-	‘to say’ 
uḍ-	‘to fly’ 
uṇ-	‘to knit’ 
uṭh-	‘to get up’

4.1.3	VCV-
әla   -    ‘to talk’

4.1.4. VCVC-
	әṭәk -	‘to delay’ 
	ubal -	‘to boil’ 

4.1.5.	CV-
pi-	‘to drink’ 
si-	‘to sew’
ga-	‘to sing’ 
kha-	‘to eat’
ca-	‘to carry’ 
ro-	‘to weep’
ḍo-	‘to milk the cow’ 
pa-	‘to put on’
ḍe-	‘to give’		
dho-	‘to wash’ 
bɛ-	‘to sit’
lɛ-	‘to descend’ 
dhɛ-	‘to fall down’ 

4.1.6.	CVC-
pәṛ-		‘to read’ 
lIkh-		‘to write’ 
kheḍ-		‘to play’
nәc-		‘to dance’
buḍ-		‘to draw’ 
sәm-		‘to sleep’
kәp-		‘to cut’ 
c731241ṛ-		‘to climb’
ḍәkh-		‘to see’ 
ghIn-		‘to take’
khIl-		‘to laugh’
pәṭh-		‘to send’ 
4.1.7.  CVCC-
	pәrn-		‘to get married’
	laŋg-		‘to cry’

4.1.8. CVCV-
	kәma		‘to earn’
	khәṛo-	‘to stand’
	lәkh-		‘to bring down’ 

4.1.9. CVCVC-
	nIkәl	-	‘to come out’
	pәkәṛ	-	‘to catch’

4.2. Derived stems are those verbal stems, which are formed by adding different stem forming suffixes to the roots.

The stems may be either simple where the root itself functions as the stem and there may be derived stems where the root is followed by some suffix referring to some grammatical functions. Here the stem forming suffixes are added to roots. Certain roots undergo some morphophonemic changes. Such roots are known as strong verbs. The roots do not undergo any morphophonemic alternations are considered as weak verbs.

Verb stems may be divided into two classes.
1.	Strong stems 
2.	Weak stems.

Examples: 
	Class I
		joṛ-	‘to repair’		juṛ  -wa		‘cause to get repair’ 
		si-	‘to sew’		sI –wa		‘to get sewn’ 
		kha-	‘to eat’ 		khә  -wa		‘to feed’ 

• The roots listed under these canonical forms have also second allomorphs each with the canonical form CVCC. Monosyllabic roots are numerous in the language whereas disyllabic roots are few in number.

	Class II
	pәṛ-		‘to read’	 	pәṛ   -wa		‘cause to get read’
	lIkh-		‘to write’		lIkh  -wa		‘cause to write’ 
	uḍ-		‘to fly’		uḍ  -a		‘cause to fly’

4.3. Transitive stem formation:

In a number of cases an intransitive verb has a corresponding transitive stem formed by vowel alternation (which is usually called ablaut), which involves both qualitative and quantitative change of vowels. These transitivized stems can further be derived into causative stems by adding causal suffixes.

Examples:

	Intransitive				Transitive 
	mәr-		‘to die’ 		mar-		‘to kill’ 
	sәṛ-		‘to burn’ 		saṛ-		‘to burn some one or some thing’ 
	ruk-		‘to stop’		rok-		‘to stop someone’ 
	chIṛ		‘to go to pasture’ 	chәṛ-		‘to take to pasture’ 


4.4.  Causative stem formation :

The causative stems are formed in one of the following ways. 

4.4.1.	Transitive verb root medial or final a -  ә before causative suffix.
mar -	‘kill’		mәr -  wa- 	‘get killed’ 
saṛ  -	‘to burn’		sәṛ    wa- 	‘to get burnt’ 
bal  -	‘to burn’ 		bәl -  wa-	‘to get burnt’ 
kha-	‘to eat’		khә -  wa-	‘cause to get eat’ 

4.4.2.	Transitive verb root medial or final O  - U before causative suffix. 
moṛ -	‘to move aside’ 	muṛ-‘to get moved’ 
choṛ  -	‘to leave’		chuṛ - wa-‘to get left’ 
ṭor -	‘to leave’ 		ṭur  -  wa-‘to get left’ 
dho  -	‘wash’		dhu-  wa-‘to get washed’ 

4.4.3.	Transitive verb root medial or final e - I before causative suffix. 
ḍe -‘to give’ 		ḍI -  wa-	‘to get given’
ḍekh -‘to see’ 		ḍIkh- wa-	‘to get shown’ 

4.4.4.	Transitive verb root medial or final i - I before causative suffix. 
si - 	‘to sew’ 		sI -  wa-	‘to get sewn’

4.4.5.	There are some verb roots, which have consonantal changes before causal suffix. 

bhәj  -  	‘to break’	bhәn-  wa-	‘to get broken’ 
phәṭ -  	‘to be torn’ 	phәṛ-  wa-	‘to get torn’ 
wec-	‘to sell’ 		wIk-   wa-	‘to get sold’ 

Causal stems are formed by the addition of causal suffixes. 

4.4.6. There are two causal forms. The first causal is formed by adding -a suffix and the second causal is formed by adding -wa suffix.

All vowel ending roots have one causal form while in consonant ending roots one set has two causal forms and the other has only one causal form. There is set of intransitive verbs which have a transitivized form and a causal form. These roots, which are few in the language, are listed below:

Vowel ending roots: 
	kha-		‘to eat’		khә-  wa-		‘to get eaten’
	si-		‘to sew’		sI -   wa-		‘to get sewn’
	dho-		‘to wash’		dhu -  wa-		‘to get washed’
	dẹ -		‘to give’		ḍI -   wa-		‘to get given’

The only exception is pi-  ‘drink’, which has   -la instead of  -wa as causative
	Pi-		‘to drink’		pI-  la-		‘to get drunk’ 

	There is a class of consonant ending roots, which has two forms.
	pәṛ	‘to read’	pәṛ-  a-	‘to get read’	pәṇ-  wa-	‘cause to get read’ 
	põc-	‘to reach’ 	pɛ̃c - a-	‘to get reached’	pɛ̃c  -wa-	‘cause to get reached’
	lIkh- 	‘to write’ 	lIkh-  a-	‘to get written’	lIkh – wa-	‘cause to get written’

	There is a clause of consonant ending roots, which has one causative form.

khol-		‘to open’		khul-  wa-		‘to get opened’
gol-		‘to find’ 		gul-  wa-		‘to get found’ 
chaṇ-		‘to sift’		chәṇ -  wa-	‘to get sift’
cir-		‘to cut’		cIr – wa-		‘to get cut’
khIl-		‘to laugh’		khIl-  wa-		‘to get laughed’
kәp-		‘to cut’		kәp -  wa-		‘to get cut’ 	
sәḍ-		‘to call’		sәḍ -  wa-		‘to get called’
bhej-		‘to send’		bhIj -  wa-		‘to get sent’

There is a set of intransitive verbs, which have a transitivized verb root and then 
causative form. 

Intransitive 		Transitive 			Causative

Ubәl	 ‘to boil’ 		Ubal-	‘to boil’		Ubәl  -wa- 	‘to get boiled’ 
mәr-	‘to die’		mar-	‘to kill’		mәr -  wa-	‘to get killed’ 
bәl -	‘to burn’		bal-	‘to burn’		bәl- wa-	‘to get burnt’
sәṛ -	‘to burn’		saṛ -	‘to burn’		sәṛ - wa-‘to get burnt’ 
ṛk -	‘to stop’		rok-	‘to stop someone’	ruk -  wa-	‘to get stopped’

Some verb stems are not used in the causative; others are used only in one of the two. Only a relatively small number of stems occur in both causatives. When only one causative occurs, it’s meaning is normally ‘to cause to do’ the action designated by the primary stem. When both causatives occur, the simple causative is semantically of the primary stem whereas the double causative is the causative of the simple causative.

4.5. Passive stems:

Passive stems are developed from transitive verb roots by suffixing -wij / -ij to the vowel ending or consonant ending roots respectively. They occur as first member of a compound verb. Construction with post stem of the verb wәñ- ‘to go’ as the second member.

Examples: 

Vowel ending roots: 
	si-		sI-wij	‘to be sewn’ 
	pi-		pI-wij	‘to be drunk’
	pa-		pә-wij	‘to be put on’
	kha-		khә-wij	‘to be eaten’
	dho-		dhu-wij	‘to be washed’ 

Consonant ending roots:
	kәp-		kәp – ij	‘to be cut’
	pәrn-		pәrn – ij	‘to be married’ 	

	kәmiz  	sIwij gәI he  	‘The shirt has been sewn’.
	roṭI  	khәwij  gәI  he	‘The food has been eaten’
	chor  	pәrnij  gɛ		‘The boy has got married’.



4.6.  Compound verbs: 

	Compound verbs can be divided into two main classes. 
1.	Double verb
2.	Conjunct verb

4.6.1. Double verb:

Double verb is two one -word- verb lexical items behaving as single grammatical unit and occurring in a fixed order without the possibility of separation by any other element except the negative or emphatic particle (it can occur between the forms given under) • The term ‘Double verb’ has been adopted from the unpublished thesis ‘A Grammatical Analysis of the Finite verbal phrase in Punjabi’, exemplified from “gusalakhanaa to hor lәkh”, Jogindor Singh Puar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1972.

The combining feature of the two words as one grammatical unit is that if the first component is a root form and in such a case the second in inflected, and if the first word is suffixed form then the second is also correspondingly a suffixed form.

(1)	The form of the root may be the same in both the words. E.g. 
	ghin ghin		‘take’ 
	ḍe  ḍe		‘give’ 

(2) The form of the root of the second word may be a rhyming form of first occurring only in collocation with first (verb) lexical item within the main part of the verbal phrase. E.g.

	mar  mur			‘kill’
	dhã dhũ			‘bathe’
	mãj  mũj			‘clean’ 

(3)	The form of the root may be different in each of the two words e.g. 


Compound Root 

		bɛ  wәñ		‘sit down’
		ghIn a		‘bring’
		sәṭ ghәt		‘throw down’ 
		bhәj wәñ		‘run away’
		kәr  choṛ		‘finish’
		mar sәṭ		‘kill’ 


(4) Suffixed Forms: 
	khada pita  	-	khada na pita		‘without eating’
	dhãta dhũta	-	dhãta na dhũta		‘without bathing’ 

4.6.2. Conjunct Verb:

Conjunct verb contains two one- word forms, the components of which are classifiable at the lexical level as noun lexical item and verb lexical item, in that order, while forming a single (two word) verb at the grammatical level, the noun lexical item is a part of the verb. The noun lexical item component of the conjunct verb differs from that same lexical item in the nominal phrase in respect of the following features.

(I) The postposition /kũ/ cannot occur within the word, only the negative or the emphatic particle can occur between the two components. (II) It does not participate in any concordial relation of number and gender with the verbal phrase i.e. the noun lexical item remains uninflected and is regarded as a component of the verb e.g.

Conjunct Verb: 
	Noun lexical item		+ Verb lexical item 
		dan		+  ḍewәṇa		‘to give charity’
		sәla		+  ḍewәṇa		‘to advise’ 
		jәwab		+  ḍewәṇa		‘to answer’ 


	Noun lexical item		+ verb lexical item
	tәsәli			+ ḍewәṇa		‘to assure’ 
	hudhar			+ ḍewәṇa		‘to lend money’ 
	yad			+  kәrna		‘to remember’
	pIar			+  kәrna		‘to love’
	kәm			+  kәrna		‘to work’ 
	bәdla			+  ghInṇa		‘to avenge’
	hudhar			+  ghInṇa		‘to borrow’
	ḍoś			+  lawәṇa		‘to accuse’
	gusa			+ awәṇa		‘to get angry’
	gusa			+ thiwәṇa		‘to be angry’ 

• The function of he ‘(existence, to be, presence)’ and this ‘to be’ is quite different in this language e.g.

	bhәla thiwi			‘may god bless you’ 
	kәm thiwi			‘let your work be done’ 
	mɛ ḍa kәm thi gɛ		‘my work has been done’ 
	pәrsũ  karsi thisi		‘There will be fast day after tomorrow’ 
	jә ḍen di bimer thәI hã	‘Since I have become ill’
	but
	mɛ̃ ghәr  hosã		‘I will be home’ 
	o  Itthaĩ hosi 		‘He will be here’ 


4.7.	Formation of Participles: 

4.7.1. Present participle:

	Distribution: 
Present participle	/ -nda/	V-
			CV-
			CVCV-	
		/ -da/    Intransitive, and a sub class of transitive
		(atmanepәd)  
		if the action operated is for the benefit of the actor.
		/ -enda /  ↝  / ẽda/ the rest of tansitive 
		(Tyrannized) 
	Add  -nde to verb stems ending in a vowel.

Examples:

	Verb stem			Present participle
	a-	‘to come’ 		a  + nda	=  ãda
	si-	‘to sew’ 		si + nda	=  sīda
	pi-	‘to drink’		pi + nda	= pĩda
	kha- 	‘to eat’		kha + nda 	= khãda
	pa-	‘to put on’		pɛ  +  nda	= pɛ̃da
	la-	‘apply’		lɛ  + nda	= lәda
	dhã-	‘to bathe’ 		dhã + nda= dhãda
	dho-	‘to wash’		dho + nda	= dhõda
	ḍe -	‘to give’		ḍe + nda  = dẽda
	lәha -	‘to bring down’ 	lәhe + nda	= lәhẽda
	kәma -	‘to earn’ 		kәme + nda =  kәmẽda 

II. Add -da to stems ending in a consonant of intransitive verbs and a sub class of transitive verbs, which are atmanepәd.

Examples:

Verb stem		Present participle
mәr-		‘to die’ 	mәr + da 
ḍәr -		‘to fear’	ḍәr + da
nәc -		‘to dance’	nәc + da
sәm -		‘to sleep’ 	sәm + da
pәṛ -		‘to read’	pәṛ + da
ghIn - 		‘to take’	ghIn + da
kheḍ -		‘to play’ 	kheḍ + da
akh - 		‘to say’ 	a + da
ḍekh -		‘to see’ 	ḍe + da

III. Add – enda to parasamipad transitive stems ending in a consonant.

Examples: 
	khol-		‘to open’		khol + enda=khulẽda
	joṛ  -		‘to repair’		joṛ + enda=juṛẽda
	ḍ әs -		‘to tell’		ḍ әs  + enda=ḍ әsẽda
	lIkh -		‘to write’		lIkh + enda=lIkhẽda
	ṛkh -		‘to keep’		ṛkh + enda	= ṛkhẽda
	kәr -		‘to do’		kәr + enda	=  kәrẽnda
	mar - 		‘to kill’ 		mar + enda =  mәrẽda 

Some consonant ending transitive verbs are members of both the atmanepad and persmaipad. Such verbs have participles with both –da and –enda.

Further these forms are inflected for gender and number and agree with the subject in both the categories, i.e., -a, -e, -i, -iã.

Examples: 

		Singular		Plural
masculine		khãda 		khãde
		pәṛda		pәṛde
		kәrẽda		kәrẽde



feminine 		khãdi		khãdIã
		pәṛdi		pәṛdIã
		kәrẽdi		kәrẽdIã

4.7.2. Passive present participle:

This stem is formed by adding -winda and -inda to the roots ending in vowels and consonants respectively. It is further inflected for gender and numbers. gender + number suffixes are -a, -e, -i, iã

Examples: 
		kәr- 	‘to do’		kәr + inda  =	kәrĩda 
		kәp -	‘to cut’		kәp + inda  =	kәpĩda
		kha -	‘to eat’ 		kha +winda  =   	khәwĩda
		dhã  -	‘to bathe’		dhã+ winda =	dhәwĩnda
		pәrn - 	‘to marry’		pәrn + inda  =	pәrnĩda 
		mar - 	‘to kill, beat’ 	mar + inda   =   	mәrĩda
		jәṛ -	‘to repair’ 		joṛ + inda     =	 jәṛğda

4.7.3. Past Participle:

This is formed by suffixing one of the following allomorphs of the past participle to the verb stems and further it is inflected for gender and number. Allomorphs of verb roots entering into construction with past participle suffix cannot be stated in any regular way except by listing them. Of all these lexically conditioned allomorphs, - Iya is the most productive. The allomorphs are as follows:

	/  - Iya  œ   - t     œ   -d   œ   -dh    œ   -th     œ    -ṭh     œ   -n /

(a)  / -Iya /
	Examples:
	masculine singular 

	ḍәs - 	‘to tell’	ḍәsIya	‘told’ 
	mIl -	‘to meet’ 	mIlIya	‘met’ 
	pәṛ -	‘to read’	pәṛIya	‘read’ 
	rәng - 	‘to dye’	rәngIya	‘dyed’ 


(b)  / -t- / 
	ḍe-	‘to give’ 		ḍIta		‘gave’
	si- 	‘to sew’		sita		‘sewn’
	pi-	‘to drink’ 		pita		‘drank’
	ga-	‘to sing’		gata		‘sang’
	dhã-	‘to bathe’ 		dhãta		‘bathed’ 
	dho-	‘to wash’		dhota		‘washed’
	khәṛo -	‘to stand’		khәṛota		‘stand’
	jo -	‘to yoke’		jUta		‘yoked’ 
	kәma -	‘to earn’		kәmata		‘earned’ 
	kәr  -	‘to do’		kita		‘did’
	sәm -	‘to sleep’		suta		‘slept’ 
	tәp - 	‘to be heated’	tәta		‘heated’ 

This mostly goes with roots ending in vowels but goes with some roots ending in consonants also.

(c)	/ -d / 

	kha -	‘to eat’	khada		‘ate’
	ghIn -	‘to take’	ghIda		‘took’ 

  (d)  / -dh / 

	bәn  -	‘to bind’ 		bәdha	‘binded’ 
	ḍo  -	‘to milk the cow’ 	ḍudha	‘milked the cow’ 
	lәbh -	‘to find’		lәbha	‘found’     

(e)  / -th /
	
	lɛ -	‘to descend’	lәtha		‘descended’
	wәs - 	‘to rain’		wәtha		‘rained’ 

(f)	/ tḥ /

	ḍhɛ  -	‘to fall down’ 	ḍhәṭha 	‘fell down’ 
	ḍekh -	‘to see’		ḍIṭha	‘saw’
	bɛ -	‘to sit’		bɛṭha	‘sat’

(g)	  / -n / 
	ro -	‘to weep’		ṛna	‘wept’ 

The following form their past in unique patterns. 

	wәñ - 		‘to go’	gIa
	a -		‘to come’	aya
	mәr -		‘to die’	moya
	akh -		‘to say’	akhya

The past participle form is further inflected for gender and number according to the concordance with the subject or object i.e. –a, e, -i, -ĩa.

Examples: 
		Singular		Plural

masculine		kita		kite
feminine		kiti		kitIã
masculine		aya		aye
		gIa		gɛ
		khIlIya		khIle
feminine		ai		aIã
		gәi		gәIã
		khIli		khIlIã

4.7.4. Use of pronominal suffixes with past participle:

4.7.4.1. / -әs / or / -os / is added to the past participle stem of the main verb when its subject is the third person and its object is followed by / kũ / postposition e.g.

	kit –es		unã kũ  kәṭha  kiṭs	‘He collected them’
	akhy –es		Unã kũ  akhyәs		‘He said to them’
	kit –os		kItab kũ ke kitos		‘What did he do to the book’
	әkhy –os		tɛkũ ke әkhyos		‘What did he say to you?’

Between   / -os  / and   / -әs  /, the former is honorific and the latter non-honorific.

4.7.4.2. / -om / and /-se / are added to the past participle stem of the main verb to indicate Ist person singular and plural (also singular honorific) subjects respectively, for example,

	gIom		‘I went’ 
	gIose		‘We went’ 

4.8. Formation of Infinitives:

4.8.1. The simple infinitive is formed by adding / -ṇa / / -wәṇa / to verb stems ending in a consonant and a vowel respectively.

Examples: 
Consonant ending stems:
		kәr –na		‘to do’ 
		ṭur –na		‘to walk’ 
		pәṛ -na		‘to read’
		ghIn -ṇa		‘to take’
		ḍekh -ṇa		‘to see’
		wәñ -ṇa		‘to go’

ṇ  - n after stems ending in r,   ṛ,  ṇ   etc. 


Vowel ending stems: 
	a-		a-wәṇa		‘to come’
	kha-		khawәṇa		‘to eat’
	pi-		pi-wәṇa		‘to drink’
	si-		si- wәṇa		‘to sew’ 
	khәwa-		khәwa -wәṇa	‘to get eaten’
	ḍIwa-		ḍIwa -wәṇa	‘to get given’
	kәrwa-		kәrwa -wәṇa	‘cause to get done’ 
	pәṛwa-		pәṛwa -wәṇa	‘cause to get read’ 

4.8.2. The conditional infinitive * is formed by adding / -әṇ / and / -wәṇ / to the consonant ending and vowel ending stems of the verb respectively. Examples:

Consonant ending stems: 
		LIkh -		lIkh -eṇ		‘to write’
		pәṛ -		pәṛ -en		‘to read’
		mәr -		mәr –әn		‘to die’ 
		sәm -		sәm -әṇ		‘to sleep’ 
		wәñ -		wәñ - әṇ		‘to go’
		ghIn -		ghIn -әṇ		‘to take’

     
Vowel ending stems: 
	a-		a -wәṇ	 	‘to come’ 
	kha -		kha -wәṇ		‘to eat’
	ḍe -		ḍe - wәṇ		‘to give’ 
	leha -		leha - wәṇ		‘to bring down’
	ḍIwa -		ḍIwa - wәṇ		‘to cause to be given’ 

4.9. Conjugation :

4.9.1.  Hortative Inflections: 
Verb stems are inflected to develop Hortative Conjugation.

• The term ‘conditional infinitive’ is taken from A Reference Grammar of Punjabi, H.S. Gill and Henry A. Glemson Jr. Department of Linguistics, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1969. P. II. P. 37.

Hortative is inflected for person and number. 

Following are the inflectional endings (of person and number).

			Singular			Plural
	Ist person 		-ã			-ũ
	IInd person		-ẽ			-o
	IIIrd person		-e/i			-әn 

Examples : 
(a)   kha-	‘to eat’ 
		
			Singular 			Plural 
	Ist person		kha –w-ẽ			khaũ
	IInd person 	kha –w-ẽ			kha-o
	IIIrd person 	kha-w-e			kha-w-on 

(b)  kәp -	‘to cut’ 

	Ist person 		kәp -ã			kәp -ũ
	IInd person		kәpẽ			kәp -o
	IIIrd person		kәp -e			kәp -әn


(c)  Khәwa-‘to feed’ 

	Ist person 		khәwn -w-ã		khәwa -ũ
	IInd person 	khәwa -w-ẽ		khәwa –o
	IIIrd person 	khәwa -w-e		khәwa –w-әn 

	When the action is desiderative or benefactory  -i is added e.g. 

	bhәla thiwi		‘May god bless you !’ 
	jәṛ  lәgi rawi	‘May your root remain for ever !’ 
	dhәn kәm  rawi 	‘May your wealth remain for ever!’ 


4.9.2. Imperative:

It is inflected for number only. Imperative inflectional endings are as follows:

4.9.2.1	.  Imperative Informal or Ordinary: 

			Singular 		Plural
	IInd person 	   -p		-o

Examples: 
	kha   	-	‘to eat’		kha	kha –o
	kәp	-	‘to cut’		kәp	kәp –o
	wəñ	-	‘to go’		wəñ	wәñ -o


4.9.2.2.  Imperative Formal or Polite / Honorific :  
		Singular		Plural
	IInd 	person-ĩ		-ae

Examples:  
	kha-	‘to eat’ 	khaw -ĩ	khә -w-ae
	wәñ	‘to go’	wәñ-ĩ	wәñ-ae
	a -	‘to come’	a-w-ĩ	әwae
	ca-	‘to carry’ 	ca-w-ĩ	cә -w-ae

4.9.3. Pronominal suffixes with Imperative Forms :

To the imperative forms of the verb the suffixes / -әs / / -es / and / -os / singular and plural respectively are added when the action denoted by the verb has reference to the third person. It also implies emphasis. Examples:

		Singular 			Plural

ghIn -әs		‘you (sg) take from 		ghIn –os 	‘you (pl) take from 
		him/her/them’			him/her/them’
ḍe -wәs		‘give him (etc)’		ḍe -os	‘give him (etc)’ 
ca -wәs		‘carry him (etc)’		ca –os 	‘carry him (etc)’ 
wәñ  - әs		‘ go with him (etc)’		wәñ-os	‘go with him (etc)’
kәp -әs	 	‘cut for him (etc)’		kәp – os	‘cut for him (etc)’
pәṛwa -w-әs	‘get him (etc) taught’		peṛwa –os	‘get him (etc) taught’ 
f  ~
pәṛw -es
pәṛwa -w-es	‘teach him (etc)’		pәṛa –os	‘teach him(etc)’
f   ~
pәṛ -es
khәwa  -wәs	‘you feed him (etc)’		khәwa –os	‘you feed him (etc)’
f   ~
khәw –es

with causal stems   / -әs / and  / -es / forms have freely varying alternants. 

4.9.2. Optative:

The optative is formed by adding / -ida / to the verb stem. It is inflected for gender and number categories. The only verb exhibiting its forms is / ca. /

Examples: 
			Singular 			Plural
	masculine		ca – ida			ca –ide
	feminine		ca – idi			ca - idĩa

4.10. The future tense is formed by adding -s to intransitive verbs and vowel ending transitive verbs and -es in consonant ending transitive verbs. The form is then followed by person + number endings. Examples:

		Future  
	a-	‘to come’ 

		Singular			 Plural 
Ist person		a-s-ã	‘I will come’	a-s-ũ	‘We will come’ 
IInd person		a-s-ẽ	‘You will come’	a-s-o	‘You will come’ 
IIIrd person		a-s-i	‘He/She will come’	a-s-әn	‘They will come’ 
		ho -	‘to be’ 

		Singular			Plural
Ist person 		ho-s-ã	‘I will be’		ho-s-ũ	‘we will be’ 
IInd person		ho-s-ẽ	‘You will be’	ho-s-o	‘You will be’ 
IIIrd person 	ho-s-i	‘He/She will be’	ho-s-әn	‘They will be’ 	


4.10.2.  Vowel ending Transitive verb roots : 
	kha-		‘to eat’
Ist person		kha-s-ã	‘I will eat’		kha-s-ũ	‘we will be’ 
IInd person  	kha-s-ẽ	‘You will eat’	kha-s-o	‘You will eat’
IIIrd person		kha-s-i	‘He/She will eat’	kha-s-әn	‘They will eat’ 


4.10.3  Consonant ending Transitive verb roots : 
		kәr-		‘to do’
Ist person		kũr -es-ã	‘I will do’		kәr -es-ũ	‘We will do’
IInd person		kәr -es-ẽ	‘You will do’	kũr -es-o	‘You will do’
IIIrd person		kәr -es-i	‘He/She will do’	kәr- es-әn	‘They will do’.

4.10.4. Causative verb stem :

khәwa		‘cause to get eaten /  ‘to feed someone’ 

Ist person		khәw –es-ã	‘I will feed’ 	khәw –es-ũ	‘We will feed’ 
IInd person 	khәw –es-ẽ	‘You will feed’	khәw –es-o	‘You will feed’ 
IIIrd person		khәw –es-i		‘He/She will feed’	khәw –es-әn	‘They will feed’ 

4.10.5. Use of pronominal suffixes with future forms:

When the addressee is second person, /-a/ or / -i / is added after the third person future forms singular and plural respectively and it implies emphasis also.

Examples:
roṭi  koṇ khәwesi -a		‘Who will feed you’? 
bhãḍe ḍhә posәni		‘The utensils will fall down’
			‘Addressing to the second person for caution sake’.

/ -әs / and / -os / is added when IIIrd person is the subject of intransitive verb and the object of transitive verb, it is expressed by us -әs and -os in singular and plural respectively, the latter being used for singular honorific also.

Examples: 
ma  mәrs-әs			‘Mother will beat him’.	
ma  mәrs-es tã sukh pәsi		‘When )(her/his) mother will die,  
				Then  he/she will acquire happiness’ 
tũ  khәw -es-әs			‘You will feed him/her’.
tusã  khәw-es-os			‘You will feed him/her/them’ 

4.11. Auxiliaries:

There are two sets of verbal auxiliaries, inflected for person and number. There is no distinction for gender.

Set I
4.11.1	Imperfective:

4.11.1.1.  Positive:
			Singular			Plural
Ist person 		hã		‘am’		hɛ̃		‘are’ 
IInd person		hẽ		‘are’		ho ~ hIwe		‘are’
IIIrd person		he		‘is’		hIn		‘are’ 

4.11.1.2.  Negative :
Ist person		na  hã  ↝ nã		na  hɛ̃  ↝	nɛ̃
IInd person		na  hẽ   ↝  nẽ		nahIwe  ↝	nIwe
IIIrd person 	nәI he  ↝  nәI		na hIn  ↝	nIn


Set -II
4.11.2.  Perfective 

4.11.2.1.  Positive : 
Singular			Plural
Ist person 		hәm		‘was’		hase		‘were’ 
IInd prson 		hawẽ		‘were’		hawe		‘were’
IIIrd person 	hai		‘was’		hәn		‘were’



4.11.2.2.  Negative : 
Ist person 		na   hәm  ↝  nәm	na  hase ↝	nase
IInd person 	na hawẽ  ↝  nawẽ	na  hawe  ↝nawe
IIIrd person		na hai  ↝  nai	na hәn  ↝    nәn

4.12. Auxiliaries with Pronominal suffixes :

There are two other sets of auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. They also indicate the categories of person and number.

Set –I
4.12.1.  Imperfective: 

4.12.1.1.  Positive:
		Singular			Plural
Ist person		hIm			hIse
IInd person		hIwi / hIni			hIwe / hIne
IIIrd person		hIs			hIne

4.12.1.2.  Negative :
Ist person		na  hIm ↝  nIm 		na hIse ↝ nIse
IInd person		na hIwi ↝  nIwi		na nIwe ↝  nIwe
IIIrd person 	na  hIs ↝  nIs		na hIne  ↝  nine


Set –II
4.12.2.  Perfective: 

4.12.2.1.  Positive:
Ist person 		hәm		hase
IInd person		hawi / hani		hawe / hane
IIIrd person		hәs		hane


4.12.2.2.  Negative : 
		Singular			Plural
Ist person		na  hәm  ↝  nәm		na hase ↝  nase
IInd person		na hawi ↝  nawi		na hawe ↝  nawe
IIIrd person		na hәs  ↝  nәs		na hane  ↝  nane 

5. ADVERBS

Adverbs are not inflected like nouns and adjectives. There is an overlapping of adjectives and adverbs but their distinction from adjectives is quite clear because of their indeclinability. Some of the adverbs are as follows:

5.1.  Adverbs of Time:

	sәbaĩ		‘to morrow’
	kәlәthũ		‘day before yesterday’
	kәl		‘yesterday’
	huṇ		‘now’
	tәḍәṇ		‘then’
	tã		‘then’ 
	kәḍaĩ		‘sometime’
	kәḍәṇ		‘when?’
	jәḍәṇ		‘when’
	wәt		‘again’
	sәwere		‘in the morning’
	roz		‘daily’
	pIche		‘after’
	bad wIc		‘later on’ 
	nu tori		‘as yet’ 
	әje tәk		‘as yet, still’
	rati		‘in the night’
	ḍIhari		‘in the day’ 

5.2.  Adverbs of Place:

	Itthã	‘here’
	Utthã	‘there’
	kItthã	‘where’
	jItthã	‘below’
	Utte	‘above, on’ 

5.3.  Adverbs of Direction: 
	Inte		‘this side’
	Unte		‘that side’
	kInte		‘which side’
	keṛe pase		‘which direction’ 
	ĩ pase		‘this side’
	ũ pase		‘this side’
	Innũ		‘from here’
	Unnũ		‘from there’ 


5.4.  Adverbs of Manner: 
	iwẽ		‘thus, as, this way’ 
	uwẽ		‘so, that way’
	kiwẽ		‘how?’ 
	jiwẽ		‘as’
	tIkkhe tIkkhe	‘quickly’
	hole hole		‘slowly’
	Ubale Ubale	‘hurriedly’ 
	mәte/mәtәṇ	‘perhaps’
	na		‘not, no’ 
	nәi		‘no’ 


5.5.  Two Adverbs of place are made emphatic by adding  -ĩ e.g.
	Itthã + ĩ		Itthãĩ		‘in this very place’ 
   	Utthã  + ĩ		Utthãĩ		‘in that very place’ 


5.6.  Some Adverbial Suffixes: 

   Adverbs are not always marked by any suffixes, but the following stem 
forming suffixes are identifiable. 
-e   wela		‘time’		ũ  wele		‘at that time’ 
Ubal 		‘hurry’		Ubale Ubale	‘hurriedly’ 
sәwera		‘morning’		sәwere		‘in the morning’ 
-i   rat		‘night’		rati		‘in the night’ 
ḍIhara		‘day’		ḍIhari		‘in the day’
sәc		‘true’		sәci		‘truly’

These give an appearance of locative suffix but because the locative suffix is not a marked case category in this language these have been included in the adverbs.

5.7. It may be noted that there is reduplication in tIkkhe, tIkkhe, etc.

6. POST POSITIONS:

Postpositions occur after the oblique form of the noun and pronoun. These can be distributionally classified into three types.

6.1	da ‘of ‘ is inflected for gender, number and case and agrees 
	with the following noun.  

For example: 
		masculine			feminine
Singular Noun 	    da			di
Oblique		    de			di
Plural     Noun 	    de			diã
Oblique	    	de / deã			de / diã


Masc. Noun. Sg. 	/ram  da  bhIra /	‘Ram’s brother’ 
Fem. Noun Sg. 	/ram   di  bheṇ/	‘Ram’s sister’ 
Masc. Obl. Sg. 	/ram de bhIra kũ /	‘to Ram’s brother’ 
Fem. Obl. Sg. 	/ram di bheṇ kũ /	‘to Ram’s sister’ 
Masc.  Noun. P.	/ram  de bhIra / 	‘Ram’s brothers’ 
Fem. Noun Pl. 	/ram diã bheṇĩ /	‘Ram’s sisters’ 
Masc.  Obl. Pl.	/ram de  bhIrawã kũ/	‘to Ram’s brothers’
Fem. Obl. Pl.	/ram diã  bheṇĩ kũ / 	‘to Ram’s sisters’ 
			

6.2	Post positions  /kũ/,  /tũ/, and  /kolũ/; follow the noun and show no inflection. 

	/kũ/		‘to’
	/tũ/		‘from’ (occurs with inanimate nouns)’
	/koIũ/		‘from’  (occurs with animate nouns)’

/ kũ/ postposition and /-/ nasalization * an agentive marker occur with oblique pronouns and / kolũ / occurs after pronouns in oblique where all other postpositions can occur.

For example:
	tɛkũ		‘to you’
	tũ		‘you’
	tɛḍe kolũ		‘from you’
	tɛḍe nal		‘with you’
	mɛḍe nal		‘with me’

6.3. There are a number of postpositions which follow a noun or a noun plus /de/. The occurrence of /de/ is optional in many cases. Some of these postpositions are further inflected ** for ablative case like nouns in ablative singular and they function like nouns. • /-/ as agentive marker occurs with pronouns only. Nouns in oblique occur as Agentive Subject.

** The common treatment is to consider the roots as nouns (free or bound) and to say that they are used as postpositions also.


Postposition				Forms in Ablative case

Wic		‘in’			wIcũ		‘from inside’
kol		‘with’, in possession of near’	kolũ		‘from near’
nal		‘with’ close to near’		nalũ		‘from near’
tɛlle		‘below’			tɛllũ		‘from below’
Utte 		‘on, up’			Uttũ		‘from above’
bar		‘out side’			barũ		‘from outside’
ɛ̃der		‘inside’			ɛ̃ndrũ		‘from inside’ 
pIche		‘after’			pIchũ		‘from behind’
әgge		‘in front of’			әggũ		‘from before’
pase		‘to wards’			pasũ		‘from the direction of’
xatәr		‘for the sake of’ 

Example:  
әlmari de wIc   	әlmari  wIc		‘in the almirah’
raje kol				‘in the possession of the king’ 
mez de Utte	mez Utte		‘on the table’ 


7.  CONJUNCTIONS: 

Conjunctions function as connectives and are indeclinable.   Some of the 
conjunctions are as follows: 
te			‘and’
je			‘if’
әgәr			‘if’
tã			‘then’
ya			‘or’
ya   -ya			either….or
bhawẽ  …….tã		‘either…or’
hIke…hIke			‘either….or’
na…na			‘neither…nor’
pәr			‘but’
lekin			‘but’
jәḍәṇ….tәḍәṇ		‘when…then’ 
jeṛe wele ….. Usse wele	‘when…then’ 
mәtәṇ…..			‘lAst’ 

8. INTERJECTIONS:

Interjections are words that carry sentence intonation and constitute complete utterance. Some of the interjections are as follows:

	śabaś			‘brave!’
	hae			‘ah!’ 
	he bhәgwan		‘Ah God !  ‘ O true God’ 
	hɛ̃			‘surprise!’ 

In calling to a person the interjection ‘oh!’  Varies according to the person addressed. 
	wәṇ			‘oh !’  (Informal address to a female) 
	we			‘oh!’  (Informal address to a younger man) 
	o saĩ ji			‘oh’ (formal address to a male) 

9. EMPHATIC PARTICLES:

Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be augmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance is thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:

	(a)  i		roṭI  khadi  i nIs	‘He/She has not eaten food’
	(b)  wi		ḍal wi pәi  he	‘The pulse is also lying’
	(c) jo		o jo  aya hai	‘He had come’
	(d)  tã		mɛ̃ tã na wә sã	‘I will not go’
	(e) sәI		o wәñe tãsәi	‘Let him/her go first’
	(f)  thoṛa		mɛ̃  thoṛa akhe	‘I did not say, did I?’
	(g) na		tũ roti  khadi e na	‘You have eaten the food’ 

8. EMPHATIC PARTICLES:

Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be augmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance is thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:

(a)  i		roṭi khadi  i nIs 		‘He/She has not eaten food’ 
(b)  wi		ḍal wi  pәi  he		‘The pulse is also lying’
(c) jo		o jo  aya hai 		‘He had come’
(d) tã		mɛ̃ tã  na  wәsã		‘I will not go’
(e)  sәi		o wәñe  tã sәi		‘Let him/her go first’ 
(f) thoṛa		mɛ̃ thoṛa  akhe		‘I did not say, did I?’
(g)  na	tũ 	roṭi  khadi e na		‘You have eaten the food’ 


11. NOUN PHRASE: 

11.1. In noun phrase a simple noun may be the NP and in place of a noun a pronoun 
	can occur as NP.

For example: 
	Chor khIlIya		‘(The) boy laughed. 
	bal  ṛna			‘The child wept’.
	O  khIlIya			‘He laughed’.
	mɛ̃ aya			‘I came’

The noun can be modified in several ways. But pronouns do not have modifiers though they can modify other words, particularly nouns. Pronouns are one-word phrases. The noun can be preceded by a demonstrative determiner. The internal structure of determiners is as follows:

Determiners can be of two types: 
1.	Definite
2.	Indefinite

The Definite determiner is either p or a demonstrative pronoun, for example, o ‘that, ‘those’ e ‘this, ‘these’ etc.

nũ  әkhya			‘(The) daughter in-law said’
o raja bәhadur he		‘That king is brave’
o chor khIlIya		‘That boy laughed’.
e  kĩtab  he		‘This is (the)  book’. 

The indefinite determiners are kuj, koi, hIk etc. 

For example: 
kuj log aye hәn	‘Some people had come’
koi aya he		‘Someone has come’ 
hIk raja hai		‘There was a king.’

The noun can be preceded by a possessive pronoun.

For example: 
mɛḍa  chor  he		‘He is my boy’.
e mɛḍi  kItab he		‘This is my book’.

O ram da dost hai	‘He was Ram’s friend’.
ũdi  kuwar		‘His wife’.
mɛḍa  ḍata	‘My donour’
tɛḍi  dhi		‘Your daughter’
ũde  dost		‘His friends’
tә ḍiã dhiri		‘your daughters’
kɛ̃da ghәr		‘whose house’

The gender number of the possessive agrees with the following noun which is the head. 


11.2.  Co-occurrence of Nouns with Number: 

The noun can be preceded by a demonstrative and numeral.   E.g.
o  ḍu chor aye		‘Those two boys came’.

The numeral can consist of an ordinal and cardinal. These may be subdivided into these co-occurring categories.

Numeral 
1.	Approximate or ordinal
2.	Cardinal, multiplicative or fractional 
3.	Collective or measure.

For example: 
	Approximate numerals  -	lәghbәg		‘almost’
				sIrf		‘only’ 
	Ordinals are elements -  	pɛla		‘first’
		 		ḍuja		‘second’ 
	Fractional - 		әdha		‘½’ 
				muna		‘¾’
	Collective -	  	joṛa		‘pair’
				dәrjәn	         	‘dozen’
	measure- 			ser		‘seer’
			  	pa		‘¼  of seer’ 


Def. Ordinal   +  N  can occur as  NP
Def. Or  Indef. +  cardinal  +  N can occur as  NP
Def.  +  ordinal + cardinal + N  can occur as NP 

For example:
	Pɛla chor			‘(the)  first boy’
	e ḍu  chor			‘these two boys’
	pɛle  ḍu  chor a wәño		‘(the) first two boys come on’ 
	pɛli cher  a wәnẽ		‘(the) first girl may come’ 

Cardinal numerals are plural after one and they all have no gender distinction. 

Ordinals are inflected for number and gender and agree with the following noun in both these categories of gender and number.

For example: 
	pɛla  kәmra  khol			‘open (the) first room.’
	pɛle  ḍu  kәmre khol			‘open (the)  first two rooms.’
	pɛli  kItab  ḍe			‘Give the first book’
	ḍujIã  ḍu  kItabã tɛḍIa hIn		‘Next two books are yours’.

Indefinite or definite or ordinal + cardinal + collective or measure can occur as NP.

	koi ḍu  dәrjәn  kele ghIdi  awĩ 	‘(You) please bring some two dozen bananas.’
	muna  ghǝ̃ṭa  thi  gɛ		‘ ¾ hour has passed.’
	әdha  ser alu ḍe		‘Give half a seer of potatos’ 

In the definite NP the cardinals may be followed by an aggregative element, which yields forms such as: e.g.

	hIk		‘one’		hIko		‘only one’
	ḍu		‘two’		ḍuwẽ		‘both’
	trɛ		‘three’		trI wẽ/triẽ		‘all the three’ 
	car		‘four’		care		‘all the four’
	peṇ		‘five’		pǝ̃ñe		‘all the five’
	chĩ		‘six’		chĩe		‘all the six’
	sәt		‘seven’		sәte		‘all the seven’
	әṭh		‘eight’		әṭhe		‘all the eight’

For example:
	mǮḍe  bhIra  da hIk  putr –he		‘My brother has one son.’
	mɛḍe  bhIra da hIko putr he		‘My brother has only one son.’
	mɛḍi  bheṇ  diã  ḍu  dhiri aIã		‘Two daughters of my sister came’.
	mɛḍi bheṇ  diã  ḍuwẽ  dhiri aIã		‘Both (the) daughters of my sister came’

	The NP may contain a question element. 

For example: 
	keṛa  chor tɛḍa  he	‘which boy is your’s?’ 
	kitti khir		‘how much milk’
	kItti kItabã		‘how many books’
	koṇ  aya he	‘who has come?’
	koṇ he		‘what is?’

So the Determiner have another member constituent i.e. (k)  (Def.  Or Indef.)

The combination of k with other elements of NP yields forms such as koṇ ‘who’ kItti ‘how many’ or ‘how much’, ke ‘what’ keṛa ‘which one’ etc.

The Det may contain limited expressions such as: e.g. mɛ̃ sIrf ḍu әb khaden ‘I have eaten only two mangoes’

11.3. The noun can be preceded by an adjective and the -a ending adjectives agree with the following noun in gender and number categories.

For example:
	masc.  sg.		cәŋŋa  chor	‘good boy’
	fem. sg.		cәŋŋi cher		‘good girl’
	masc.  pl.		cәŋŋe chor	‘good boys’
	fem.  pl		cәŋŋiã cheri	‘good girls’
	
Adjectives may have various modifiers usually preceding them.
For example: 
	bӣu  		cәŋŋa chor	‘very good boy’
	wәḍa  		cәŋŋa chor	‘very good boy’
	kuj  		cәŋŋa chor	‘some what good boy’
	bәu  		chor		‘many boys’
	bәu 		paṇi		‘much water’
	kuj 		chor		‘some boys’ 

However, the first of two adjectives, even though agreeing with the noun do not modify the noun. This can be seen by the fact that the following (the phrases above) without cәŋŋa do not occur. /bәu/ and /kuj/ can be used with such nouns only when plural.

Other than -a ending adjectives do not change according to the number and gender of the following noun they modify.

For example: 
	masc.  sg.		e  gulabi phul he		‘This is the pink flower’
	masc. pl.  		e gulabi phul  hIn		‘These are pink flowers’
	fem.  sg.		e gulabi dhoti he		‘This is the pink sari’ 
	fem.  pl.		e gulabi dhotiã  hIn		‘These are pink sarees’	
	masc.  sg. 	e lal kәpṛa  he		‘This is the red cloth’.
	masc. pl.		e lal  kәpṛe  hIn		‘These are red clothes’.

11.4. Co-occurrence of Nouns with Verbs. Adjectives:

There are various restrictions as to which nouns can occur with which verbs and adjectives. Nouns have features of animateness, countability etc. Which determine noun co-occurrence with verbs, adjectives etc. It is important to distinguish the following classes of nouns as shown in the diagram.


							human    	admi

				animate 			

							nonhuman  	 kUtta
	      Count 		Inanimate  	   kәmra

					abstract	 kәm

Common 			
			      Concrete  	Suns
	
                 mass				
				
				      abstract 	men
 	
					




  Masculine
  Noun
					human                    ram

		       animate
			        
Proper   	    
					non human  	   moti (name 
                         Inanimate     himala		             of the dog)
           	 


 

								   humanchәr

						 animate	
								   non human	  bIlli
							
			         Count	        

						  inanimate        kәṛchi

						  abstract         gal
	       Common					
  concrete         cãdi
				masc.
  abstract         takәt 





	     Feminine 	
	     Noun

						human	      sita	
			        animate 
						non human       bhurigәu
								    ‘name of a cow’
   Proper 
	     					
	       		        inanimate         gәŋga


All animate nouns, which are inherently either masculine or feminine, are inflected for opposite gender e.g.

		masc.					fem.
	bIla	‘cat’			bIli		‘She cat’ 
	mama	‘mother’s brother’		mami		‘mother’s brother’s wife’

They are also inflected for number. There are two numbers, singular and plural. All the count nouns are inflected for number, i.e. they have a singular and a plural form. But the mass nouns are not inflected for number, i.e. they have no plural forms. Some examples of the countable nouns have already been discussed in the preceding section on number. These distinctions of countability, animateness, humanness, abstractness etc are necessary to specify the occurrence restrictions between the nouns and adjectives, on the one hand and nouns and verbs on the other. There are various restrictions as to which nouns can occur with which verbs and adjectives. E.g.

	kUtta bhәjIya		‘(The)  dog ran !’
	mɛ̃i  wәsIya		‘It rained.’
	chor  khIlIya		‘(The)  boy laughed.’ 
	gәŋga  ṭheḍhi he		‘Ganga is cold.’ 
	HImala  Ucca he		‘Himalaya is high.’ 
	Ram  wәḍa  he		‘Ram is elder.’ 

But the following are not possible : 
	*  kUta khIlIya		‘(The)  dog laughed.’ 
	*  kUtta wәsIya		‘Dog rained.’ 
	* ṭhәḍhi gәŋga he		‘Cold is Ganga.’
	*  Ucca  himala he		‘High is Himalaya.’ 

Neither are the following possible: 
	*  hIk  kәṛchi  kItab ghIn a 	‘ bring one ladleful book.’
	*  o  ḍu  cãdi  ghIn aya	‘ He brought two silvers.’

But the following are acceptable
	hIk kәṛchi  bhaji ḍәwĩ		‘ please give one ladleful of vegetable.’ 
	o ḍu  tole  cãdi  ghIn aya	‘ He brought two tolas of silver.’ 

11.5. NP Compliments:

NP compliments can be of various types. These can be adjectival or adverbial, verbal or relative clauses.

11.5.1. Adjectival NP compliments:

Among adjectival NP compliments, it is useful to distinguish between based and derived adjectives. The base adjectives contain no derivational affixes, that is, they are not derivationally related to any other grammatical category such as noun or verb. The following are base adjectives:

For example: 
	ghәr  wәḍa he		‘The house is big.’
	ũda  chor  cәŋŋa he	‘His/her boy is good.’
	
But the following are derived from some other grammatical category. 
(1)	chәpIã  oIã  kItabã  pәṛәn  wIc  sokhiã  hőden
      ‘Printed books are easy to read.’
(2)	ũ  dhәṭhe  oe  phәl  kәṭhe  kite
      ‘She collected the fallen fruits.’
(3)	piwәṇ  ala paṇi  gɛ̃da  he
      ‘The drinking water is dirty.’
(4)	gәḍi  cәlawәṇ  ala admi ghәr gɛ
     ‘The man who drives the car has gone home.’ 
(5)	gәli  wIc  kele wecәṇ  ala aye
     ‘In the street the banana seller has come.’ 
(6)	mɛ̃  lәthe  bhãde  pɛ̃di  hã
      ‘I use the things which are thrown away.’
       by God or (some one).’ 

The adjective phrases in the above sentences are related to verb phrase such as the following: e.g.

	(1)  chәpIã  oIã  kItabã 	     kItabã chәpIã  oIãhIn
	       ‘Printed books’  	     ‘Books which are printed’
	(2)  ḍhәṭhe oe phәl       	     phɛ  jeṛe  ḍhәṭhe oe hIn
	       ‘fallen fruits’		     ‘Fruits, which are fallen down. 
	(3)  piwәṇ  ala paṇi	     paṇi  jo pita  wɛ̃da he
	       ‘drinkable water’	     ‘water, which is used for drinking.’

	(4)  g|ḍi  cәlawәṇ ala admi   admi jo gәḍi cәlẽda  he 
	       ‘Driver’		    	     ‘man who drives the car.’ 
	(5)  kele  wecәṇ  ala	     admi jo kele wIcẽda he
	       ‘banana seller’	     ‘The person who sells bananas.’ 
	(6)   lәthe bhãḍe	   	     bhãḍe lәthe oe hIn
	       ‘thrown away things’    ‘Things which are used and thrown away.’ 

Most attributive adjectives precede a noun in the noun phrase but there are some adjectives that cannot precede a noun by themselves. They have to be preceded by an adverbial element in AP.

	admi  lәmba  he		lәmba admi
	‘man is tall’ 			‘tall man’
	chor ḍora he		‘ḍora chor’
	‘The boy is deaf’ 		‘deaf boy’ 
	chor ũde nal asmәt he
	‘The boy is of the opinion as he.’
	sɛmәt chor cannot occur

ude nal sɛmәt chor is possible, so we can say; the AP is made up of an adverbial element which is optional and an adjective, i.e.

The adverbial element is of two types.
(1) It is a degree adverbial e.g.  bәu  ‘very’   bIlkIo  ‘absolutely’ 
(2)	It is a postpositional phrase. 

Both P phrase and degree phrase can occur together also. Phrases with tũ, kәlũ or nalũ to express comparative or superlative constructions can occur as adjectival expressions. e.g.

o  ũde  sUbha tә bәu  khús he
(He is very happy by his nature)’
o  mɛḍe  kolũ wәḍa he
‘He is elder than me’.
o  ĩde  tu  cәŋŋa  he
‘ He is better than him.’ 
ә	śɛ  ũde  nalũ cәŋŋi  he

‘This thing is better than that’.

To express superlative expression these postpositions occur after sәb, sarIã,  ‘all’ e.g. 
	ũdi  dhi  sәb  tũ suṇi  he
	‘Her daughter is most beautiful.’ (lit.  than all)
	sarIa  nalũ  suṇa  chor  mIlIya  hIs

	‘(She) has got the most beautiful match.’
	o   sarĩa  kolũ  wәḍa  chor he
	‘He is the eldest son.’




11.5.2.  Adverbial NP Complements: 

o huṇ  tәk  juwan  nәzәr  ãde
‘He seems young till now.’
o mɛḍe  awәṇ  kolũ pәle lәga  gɛ
	‘He went away before I came.’
	e mɛḍa  roz  da khaw&#`241ṇ  he
	‘This is my usual food.’
	hәr  koi  Utthaĩ gIa 
	‘Every one went there.’ 
	
The derived adverbial phrases are of the following type.
(1)	Past participle adverbial phrases
(2)	Present participle adverbial phrases
(3)	Verb + ke adverbial phrases.


11.5.2.1. Past participle Adverbial phrases e.g.

	bәṭhe  bәṭhe  ukũ  rat  guzәr  gәI  he
	‘Sitting continuously he spent the whole night.’ 


11.5.2.3.  Verb  + ke Adverbial Phrase: 

	cIṭṭI  caḍr  pa  ke  sәm  thɛ
	‘He slept covering himself with white sheet.’
	o  śɛr  kolũ  bar  wәñ ke  ṭIke
	‘He stayed on the outskirt of the city.’
	o  apṇe  gәbhrũ kũ nal  ghIn ke  lәgi  wәdi  he
	‘Taking her husband with her she goes there.’
	bәṛa  udas thi ke ghәr  lәga  gɛ
	‘We went back home (becoming sad) in a sad mood.’
	khuã  te ṭurke  sәb  koi  wade  khu kɛ̃de  kolũ ṭur  ke nIn  wɛ̃de
	‘People go to the well by walking (on foot), the well does not go to anyone.’

	These adverbial phrases are derived from more than one sentence. 

For example: 
	o cIṭṭi  caḍr  pa ke sәm  pɛ       	ũ  cIṭti caḍr  pati
				‘He covered himself with white sheet’ 
				o sәm pә
				‘He slept’
	o  śɛr  kolũ  bar  wәñke  ṭIke	o  śɛr tũ bar  gIa
				‘He went away from the city.’
				o śɛr  kolũ bar ṭIkIya
				‘He stayed in outskirt of the city.’

11.5.3. Verbal NP complements:

Verb phrases with past participle form or with present participle form occur as NP compliments e.g.

	o  pәṛde  pәṛde  sәm gIa
	‘ He while reading slept.’
	o  pәṛda pIa  hai
	‘ He was reading’ 
	o sәm  gIa
	‘ He slept’
	o (pәṛde  pәṛde)  sәm gIa

So in these sentences the derived verbal phrase is embedded in subject noun.
 
iwẽ  phɛldi  phɛldi gal raje de kәnã wIc  pәi
‘Like this the spreading matter was overheard by the king.’ 
iwẽ gal phɛldi ṛi
‘The matter went on spreading like this.’
Gal raje de kәnã  wIc pәi
‘The matter was overheard by the king.’
iwẽ  phɛldi  phɛldi gal raje de kәnã  wIc pәi  
o pәṛIya  oIya chor he
‘He is an educated boy.’
o chor he
‘He is (the) boy.’
o pәṛIya oIya he
‘He is educated’
o  (pɛṛIya  oIya) chor he

Verb phrases with conditional infinitives followed by  /da/ occur as NP complement. E.g.

tUaḍe  ghәr  kәtha  sUṇәn  de  bhaw  koi ṇi
‘In your place there is no faith in listening the katha.’
e  khawәṇ  di  śɛ  ṇi  
‘This thing is not meant for eating ‘
ukũ pәṛәn  da  bәu  śok  hai  
‘He was very fond of reading.’


11.5.4.  NP Sentential complementation:  

Both direct and oblique NP’s can be extended by sentential complements. 

For example: 
	e  pәta  lәg  gɛ  ke  o  bekәsur  he 
	‘It is proved that he is innocent.’ 
	mɛkũ pәta  he  ke  o  dIlli lәgi gәi he
	‘I know that she has gone to Delhi.’
	ukũ ĩ  gal di  khәsi  he ke o nәi  ai
	‘He is happy  (of this) that she has not come.’ 
Only Copala and kũ matrix sentences take direct NP complementation in the 

Subject position. 
	o bekәsur  he		‘He is innocent.’
	o pәta  lәg  gɛ		‘It is proved.’
	o pәta  lәg  gɛ  ke  		o  bekәsur  he	

All reason and purpose adverbials and genitive phrases of the abstract Iwla type can be extended by the oblique NP complementation. The object NP say also take a sentential complement. E.g. verbs such as socṇa ‘to think’ Jaṇna ’to know’ akhṇa ‘ to say’ lIkhṇa ‘ to write’ sUṇna ‘ to hear’ sәmәjiṇa ‘to understand’

mɛ̃  sUcẽdi  kã  ke  ukũ sәḍ  I  ghInã
‘I think that I should invite her also.’ 
mɛ̃  sәmji  ke ram  merol  korẽda pɛ
‘I thought that Ram is joking’ 

Whereas the object N precedes the verb, the contential complement of the type ke + S follows the V. Also the verbs of the matrix S and the embedded S do not agree in aspect and tense. If the V of the matrix S is socṇa ‘to think’ then the sux of the embedded S must be in the hortative form.

The ke  -S complement may be reduced to a nominalized phrase as 
in the following sentences.
ukũ ũde  na  awәṇ  di khuśI  he
‘He is happy about her not coming.’
mɛkũ ũda  dIlli  wәñṇa  pәta  lәg  gɛ
‘I know about her going to Delhi.’ 

11.5.5. Relative Clauses:

Relative clauses can occur as NP complements. It is introduced by relative pronouns jo, jeṛa, jɛ̃, jInã all meaning ‘who’ ‘which’. Mostly these follow the head noun but they can precede also.

For example: 
Jera  tɛḍa  bhIra he o ke  kәrẽde
‘(That who  is your brother,  what does he do?’
jere  ghәr  wIs  mɛ̃ rãdi  hã  o  wәḍa  he
‘The house in which I live,  is big.’
Jo chor  dIlli rãde o kәl  asi  
‘The boy who lives in Delhi will come tomorrow.’
o chor jeṛa  śɛrũ  aye o mɛḍa  bhIra  he
‘The boy who has come from the city (he) is my brother.’ 
o  masṭer  jɛ̃ mɛkũ  pәṛaIya hai o mәr  gɛ
‘The teacher who had taught me has died.’ 

Noun head of the second sentence is deleted and relative pronouns are used instead when two sentences are combined.

For example:

	Jo  chor  dIlli rãde  o  kәl asi
	Jeṛa  tɛḍa  bhIra  he o ke  kәrẽde
	This sentence is the result of the combination of following two sentences.
	Chor  kәl  asi		‘The boy will come tomorrow.’
	Chor dIlli rãde 		‘The boy lives in Delhi.’
	tɛḍa  bhIra he		‘You have a brother’.
	t949ḍa  bhIra ke  kәrẽde	‘What does your brother do?’ 

For example: 

Subject  N in Direct case 	raja aya
			‘(The) king came’ 
 			raje  aye
			‘(The) kings came.’
 			Chor ai
			‘(The) girl came.’ 
			chorĩ aIã
			‘(The) girls came.’ 

Object N in oblique case	(tũ) raje  nal lәga  wәñ
			‘You go with the king.’
			Chor nal  awĩ
			‘Come with the girl.’
			Chorĩ  kũ kItab  ḍe
			‘Give the book to the girls’ 

Nouns in the oblique without any postposition can occur as agentive subject, 
a one word NP.
	Subject  N in 		raje  akhya
	oblique  case 
	As agentive 		‘The king said.’

Nouns is ablative case occur as a one word N phrase e.g.
		ghәrũ  kItab  ghIn  a
		‘Bring the book from home.’

Pronouns in oblique case occur before all postpositions.
For example: 
	mɛḍe  nal  jUl
	‘come with me.’
	saḍe nal ao
	‘Come with us.’

Pronouns in the agentive form and followed by -kũ  PP occur as one word NP. 
For Example: 	
	ũ akhya
	‘He said.’
	mɛkũ pәta he
	‘I know it.’
	ũ roṭi  khadi  he
	‘He has eaten the food.’

Nouns in vocative case generally stand alone as single word phrases of a special type.

Postpositions are found as the last element in NP and in the phrase the possessive and adjective forms will agree with the N in number, gender and case. E.g.


	Masc. sing.	mɛḍe  wәḍe  pUtr  kũ
			‘to my elder son’ 
	Fem. sing. 	mɛḍi  suṇi  dhi  kũ
			‘to my beautiful daughter.’

Postpositions:

(1) The postpositions kũ marks NP. The /~ / which occurs with pronouns as agentive marker e.g. ĩ, ũ, Inã, Unã, tɛ̃ and no separate postposition is added to it, mark NP. When the -kũ postposition is added, the head noun must become oblique. (2) The postposition /da/ marks a type of AP. The preceding noun must be oblique. da agrees with the following noun in number and gender. The Possessive case of pronoun is equivalent to a noun phrase plus /da/ and is inflected for number, gender and case. (3) The remaining postpositions mark PPs. The preceding noun is always in the oblique. The postpositions may, occasionally be preceded by another postposition /de/ e.g. ram de nal ‘with Ram’ ram nal ‘ ram nal’

12. THE VERB PHRASE:

In this chapter the components of the verb phrase , copula verb and categories of intransitive, transitive and causative verbs is discussed. 12.1. The VP may consist of a MV or MV and auxiliary, which may be preceded by predicate, compliment either an NP or an adjective phrase or an adverbial phrase. Examples are as under:

Chor  wәkil  he		‘The boy is a lawyer.’
Chor  cәŋŋa  he		‘The boy is good.’
Chor  ghәr  he		‘The boy is at home.’

MV can be developed by choosing other verbs instead of ‘to be’. While choosing another verb there are several possibilities. One could choose an intransitive verb, a transitive verb, which takes an object, or a double object verb, which takes two objects.


For example: 

	Chor  khIlda  pIa  he
          		Mvi
	‘The boy is laughing.’
	Vi =  verb, intransitive
	Chor kItab  ghIn  ãda  he
	         Mvt.
	‘The boy brings the book.’
	Vt. = verb, transitive.
	o  ukũ  koi  śɛ  ḍẽda  pIa  he
		mu/dt. 
	‘ He is giving him something.’
	Vdt. = verb, double, transitive


12.1.1. Intransitive Sentences:

Masc.  sing. 	Subject N.  	chor  bhәjIya 	‘The boy ran.’
Fem. sing. 	Subject N.		cher  bhәji		‘The girl ran.’
Masc. pl.  		subject  N.		chor  bhәje	‘The boys ran.’ 
Fem.  pl.  		subject N.		cherĩ  bhәjIã	‘The girls ran.’
Masc.  Ist 		person  sing.	mɛ̃  bhәjda hã	‘I ran.’
Masc.  2nd 	person pl. 		tusã bhәjde  he	‘You run’ 
Masc.  3rd 	person  sing.	o bhәjda he	‘He runs’
Fem.  3rd 		person sing.	o  bhәjdi  he	‘She runs’ 

In all intransitive sentences, the verb agrees with the subject in number,  
gender and person.   For example : 
	Masc.  sing.	chor  wɛ̃ da  he	‘The boy goes.’
	Fem.  sing. 	cher  wɛ̃di  he	‘The girl goes.’
	Masc. pl.		chor  wɛ̃de  hIn	‘The boys go.’
	Fem. pl.		cher227 wɛ̃ dIã hIn	‘The girls go.’ 


12.1.2. Transitive sentences: 

In transitive sentences, it is important to distinguish between three constructions.
(1)	Subjectival,
(2)	Objectival.
(3)	Impersonal.

For example: 
(1) Subjectival Construction: 
	Chor  kItab  pәṛda  he
	‘The boy reads the book.’ 
	Cher  kItab  pәṛdi  he 
	‘The girl reads the book.’

In the above example, as the Vt is in the imperfective aspect, the V agrees with the subject in number, gender and person.

(2) Objectival construction: 
	
	ũ  kItab  pәṛi  he
	‘He has read the book.’
	Chor kItab  pәṛi  he
	‘The boy has read the book.’
	mɛ̃  kItab pәṛi  he
	‘I have read the book’.
	Cher kItab pәṛi  he
	‘The girl has read the book.’
	Chor  paṭh  pәṛIya
	‘The boy read the lesson.’ 
	Cher paṭh  pәṛIya
	‘The girl read the lesson.’
	mɛ̃  paṭh  pәṛIya
	‘I read the lesson.’

In these sentences, as the Vt is in the perfective aspect, and the subject N is in the oblique case, the verb does not agree with the subject N; instead it agrees with the object in number and gender, e.g. The V pәṛ - agrees with kItab ‘book’ (fem. sg.) and paṭh ‘lesson’ (masc. sg.)

3. Impersonal construction: 

ũ chor  kũ ḍIṭha
‘He saw (the) girl.’
mɛ̃  ũ kItab kũ  ḍ̃Iṭha he 
‘I have seen that book.’
Chor  ukũ  ḍIṭha hai
‘The girl had seen him.’ 

The verb is in the perfective aspect, but as the subject N is in the oblique case and the object N is also in the oblique case and is followed by the postposition kũ. The verb does not agree either with the subject or with the object in number, gender and person. It is always in masculine singular form.

There are some Vt’s, which do not participate in the objectival or impersonal constructions because the subject cannot be put in oblique case e.g.

	o  kItab  ghIn  aya
	‘He brought the book.’
	o  kItab ghIn ai
	‘She brought the book.’
	tũ  gal  bhulIya  nɛ̃
	‘You (masc.) have not forgotten the thing (matter).’ 
	o  gal  bhuli  nәi
	‘She has not forgotten the matter.’ 

In perfective sentences there are following possibilities. (1) The verb agrees with the direct object N in number and gender. (2) The verb does not agree either with the subject or with the object N in number, gender and person, if the object N is in the oblique case and followed by kũ. Instead the verb is always in the unmarked form, which is preferred to as the masculine singular form. (2) Verbs in double transitive sentences agree with direct object N in number and gender. E.g. ũ ram kũ әxbar ḍIta

‘He /She gave the newspaper to Ram.’
mɛ̃ ukũ  kItab ḍIti
‘I gave the book to him / her.’

12.1.3.  Causal Sentences: 

o  mɛkũ  khIlwẽdi  bәu  he
‘She makes me laugh too much.’
tũ  mɛḍa  mәkan  bәṇwa  ḍe
‘You get my house built.’
ũ  mɛkũ  әj  ɛ̃b  khәwae  hIn
‘He made me eat mangoes today.’
mɛ̃  apṇe  kәpṛe  dhobi  kolũ  dhuwẽdi  hã
‘I get my clothes washed by the washerman.’ 

sәḍ ghIn ao ũ bәramәṇ kũ jɛ̃ mɛḍI cәrca kɛrwai he The causal and non causal sentences are related in a systematic way, e.g. the subject of the simple verb is the object of causal I sentence and the subject of causal is the causative agent of causal II e.g.

śɛ  muk  gәI he
‘The thing has finished.’ 

balã śɛ  kũ  muka  ḍIta  he
‘ The children have finished the thing.’

ũ  balã  kolũ  śɛ  mukwa  ḍItti he.’
‘He has got the thing finished by the children.’

hәṭṭi  bәṇi  he
‘The shop is built.’

ũ hәṭti bәṇai  he
‘He has built the shop.’

mɛ̃   ũde  kolũ  hәṭṭi  bәṇwai  he
‘I have got the shop built by him.’

In addition to the simple verb forms the double and conjunct verbs also function as verb phrase. The following are instances of sentences containing these verbs.

12.1.4. Double verbs: 

ũ śɛ  ghIn ghIdi  he
‘He has taken the thing.’
tũ  rɛkũ  kItab  ḍe  ḍewĩ 
‘You please give me the book.’
jәldi bhәj  wɛ̃n  nәI  tã o pәkәr  ghInsia
‘(You)  run away quickly otherwise he will catch you.’ 


12.1.5. Conjunct Verbs: 

	ũde  utte  kuṛa  ḍoś  laIya
	‘He accused him with false allegation’
	ũ mɛkũ sәla  ḍIti he
	‘He has advised me.’
	o balã  kũ  pIar kәrẽda  he 
	‘He loves children too much.’
	
Double verb and conjunct verb have been already seen and discussed in the chapter on verbs.


12.2.  Adjectival complements :

Some verbs take nominal complements.

Adjectival complements.

Some verbs take nominal complements.  For example: 
	
	ũ әj  kәpṛe  saf  dhote hIn
	‘She has washed the clothes clean today.’
	ũ  bhaji  kәcci  bәṇai  he
	‘She has prepared the vegetable half done.’
	mɛkũ  e  kәhaṇi  cәŋŋi lәgi  he
	‘I have found this story interesting.’

In the transitive sentences the verbal complement saf and kәcca modify the object N’s kәpṛe and bhaji respectively. In the intransitive sentence, however the complement cәŋŋi modifies the underlying subject N. So these sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences. For example: Transitive Verb

ũ  kәpṛe  dhote hIn		‘She has washed the clothes.’ 
kәpṛe  saf hIn		‘Clothes are clean.’
ũ bhaji  bәṇai 		‘She has cooked the vegetable.’ 
bhaji  kәcci  he		‘Vegetable is half done.’


12.3. Adverbial complement 

There are two types of adverbial complements.
(1)	Those that involve an imperfect participle form of the verb, and
(2)	Those that involve a perfect participle form of the verb. 

Example of the first is: 
	mɛ̃ ukɛ̃ roṭi  khãde  oe  ḍIṭha hai
	‘I had seen him eating food.’
	mɛ̃  ṭkũ  kәwita  pәṛdu  oe  suṇIya  hai
	‘I had heard  you reciting the poem.’

These sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences.
mɛ̃ ukũ ḍIṭha hai		‘I had seen him.’
o  roṭi  khãda  pIa hai		‘He was eating food.’
mɛ̃ ṭkũ  suṇIya  hai		‘I had heard you.’ 
tũ kәwita pәṛda pIa  hawẽ  	‘You were reciting the poem.’ 

Examples of a perfect participle adverbial complement are:
mϒ  ukũ  kәmre  wIc  sute  oe   ḍIṭha  hai 
‘I had seen him sleeping in the room.’
mϒ  ṭkũ   ḍkan  te  bәṭhe  oe   ḍIṭha  hai
‘I had seen him sitting at the shop.’

These sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences.  e.g. 
	mɛ̃  ukũ  ḍIṭha  hai  
	‘I had seen him.’
	o  kәmre  wIc  suta  pIa hai  
	‘He was sleeping in the room.’
	mɛ̃  tɛkũ   ḍIṭha  hai 
	‘I had seen you.’
	tũ,   dukan  te  bɛṭha  hawẽ   
	‘You were sitting at the shop.’

12.4. There are several possibilities of agreement rules, which operate on Lahandā sentences. These are some of the possibilities.

(1)	The verb may agree with the subject N in number, gender and person. e.g.   
	IIIrd  p.  	Masc.  sg.  	chor ghәr  wɛ̃ da  hẽ.
				‘The boy goes home.’ 
	Ist  p.  	Masc. sg. 	 	mɛ̃  ghәr  wɛ̃da  hã.
				‘I go home.
	IIIrd p. 	Fem.  sg. 		cher  ghәr  wɛ̃di  he
				‘The girl goes home.’
	IIIrd p. 	Masc. pl. 		chor ghәr  wɛ̃de  hIn
				‘Boys go home.’
	IIIrd p. 	Masc.  pl.		chor ghәr  wɛ̃de  hIn
				‘Boys go home.’

(2)	The verb may agree with the subject N in personand number e.g.
Ist p. sg.			mɛ̃  wɛsã 
			‘I will go.’
IInd p. pl.			tusã  wɛso  
			‘You (pl.) will go.’
IIIrd p. pl.			o  wɛsәn  
			‘They will go.’
Ist p. sg.			(mɛ̃)  awã 
			‘I may come.’
IIIrd p. sg.			(o)  awe
			‘He may come.’
IInd p. pl.			(tusã)  ao  
			‘You (pl.) may come.’

(3)  The verb may agree with the object N in number and gender e.g.  
 	mɛ̃ roṭi  khadi  he  
 	‘I have eaten the food.’
 	ũ  kItab  pәṛi  he
      	‘He has read the book.’  
      	mɛ̃  paṭh  pәṛIya he  
      	‘I have read the lesson.’
     	mɛ̃  paṭh  pәṛe  hIn 
    	‘I have read the lessons.’  

(4)  The verb may agree with the subject N in number only.
sg.	  (tũ)  awĩ  
	  ‘(You) please come.’

pl.  	 (tusã)  әwae  
	 ‘(You) please come.’  

12.5. Imperfect

12.5.1. Present Imperfect

The present imperfect tense is formed by adding the present participle ending to the main verb and it is followed by the auxiliary verb.

For example: 	khIl  -	  ‘to laugh.’
		
		Ist person		IInd person 		IIIrd person

Masc. sg.  	KhIlda hã 		khIlda hẽ			khIlda he 
	pl.  	khIlde hɛ̃		khIlde ho/hiwe		khIlde hIn

fem.sg. 		khIldi  hã		khIldi hẽ 			khIldi he  
	pl.  	khIldIã hɛ̃		khIldIã ho			khIldIã  hIn 


12.5.2.   Past Imperfect 

The past imperfect is followed by the perfect form of the auxiliary verb.  
For example:     pәṛ			‘to read’  
	mas.  s.g. pәṛda  hәm  	‘pәṛda hawẽ	pәṛda hai 
	         pl.   pәṛde  hase	‘pәṛde hawe	pәṛde  hәn  
	 fem.  sg.  pәṛdi hәm 		‘pәṛdi  hawẽ	pәṛdi  hai  
	         pl.   pәṛdIã hase	‘pәṛdIã hawe	pәṛdIã hәn  

While the present participle form agrees with the gender and number of the subject, the auxiliary agrees in person and number with the subject. The Whole VP agrees with the subject in number, gender and person.

12.6 Perfect

12.6.1. Present perfect

The present perfect tense is formed by adding the past participle ending to the main verb and it is followed by the auxiliary verb.

	Intransitive verb    a-  		‘to come’ 
masc.  sg.  aya  hã 			aya hẽ	aya he 
           pl.  aye  hɛ̃			aye  ho	aye  hIn 

fem.   sg. ai hã			ai  hẽ	ai he 
         pl.  aIã hɛ̃ 			aIã ho	aIã hIn  

12.6.2   Past perfect  

The perfect is followed by the perfect form of the auxiliary.  
	Intransitive verb   sәm -		‘to sleep’
Masc.  	sg.suta  hәm		suta hawẽ suta hai
	pl. suta hase  		suta  hawe sute  hәn  

fem.   	sg.  suti  hәm  		suti  hawẽ	suti hai  
	pl.  sutIã	  		sutIã hawẽ sutIã  hәn   ;

While past participle form agrees with the subject N in gender and number, the auxiliary form agrees with person and number categories of the subject N. The whole VP agrees with the subject N in number, gender and person.

	Transitive verb kәr- 	‘to do’  
	   Ist person		IInd person 		IIIrd person 

masc.	sg. mɛ̃ kәm  kIta  he		tɛ̃  kәm  kita he		ũ kәm kita he  
	pl.  әsã  kәm kIta he		tusã kәm kita  he		unã kәm kita ae  
fem.   	sg.  mɛ̃ kәm kita he 		tɛ̃  kәm  kita he 		ũ kәm kita he  
	pl.  әsã  kәm  kita he  	tusã  kәm  kita he 		unã kәm kita he  

With transitive verb the past participle form agrees with the gender and number of the object N. There is no distinction for gender and person with the auxiliary verb. It agrees with the object N in number. The whole VP agrees with the object N in number and gender categories. The subject N is in oblique case with the agentive marker. e.g.

u  hIk  roṭi  khadi he  
‘He has eaten one chapatti.’  
tɛ̃  ḍu  ǝ̃b khade  hIn  
		‘You have eaten two mangoes.’  
mɛ̃ ḍu  kItabã  pәṛIã hәn  
‘I had read two books.’  
mɛ̃  hIk  kItab pәri  hai   
‘I had read one book.’  
Raje  ukũ   ḍәsIya hai  
‘The king had told him.’

12.7. The Auxiliary element is made up of the following:  
(1)	The modal, sәg (‘to be able to’)  and cәk-
 	(Completive’)  e.g. 
		mɛkәm  kәr  sәgdi  hã 
		‘I can do the work.’  
		mɛ̃  roti  kha cәki hã 
		‘I have eaten the food.’  

(2)	-әṇ  + lәg  (‘begin’) e.g.  
	mɛ̃ roṭi  khawәṇ  lәga hã  
	‘I am going to begin to eat.’  
	o  awәṇ  lәgi  hai  
	‘She was starting to come.’   

(3)	-әṇ +  ḍe  ‘allow’  e.g.  
    	mɛ̃  ukũ wәñәṇ  ḍIta  
	‘I let him go.’  
	ũ mɛkũ ǝ̃der wi na  wәṛәṇ  ḍIta 
	‘She did not allow me to enter even inside.’  

(4)  -da  +  pIa	‘to be in the process of’  
		mɛ̃  pәṛdi pәI  hã 
		‘I am reading’  
		o  ghәr  wɛ̃da  pIa  he  
		‘He is going home’  

(5)   -da +  rIa  	‘continued’  
		mɛ̃ әṭh  wәje   tәk  kәm kәrẽda  rIa  
		‘I continued working upto eight’

(6)  -da + ho -   	‘frequently and repeatedly’  
		o bue  te bãdi  hõdi  hai  
		‘She used to sit on the door way’  
(7)  -ṇa    		‘(Proximate  future or  (to have to) e.g.  
		mɛ̃ awәṇa  he  
		‘I have to come’  
		ũ wәñṇa  he  
		‘He has to go’ 	
(8)  -ṇa +  po	‘(to be forced  to’ ) e.g. 
		tɛ̃ kũ  wәñṇa  posi  
		‘You will have to go’  ‘ You will be forced to go’ 
(9)  -ṇa +  ca  	‘want’ e.g.  
		mɛ̃  pәṛna  cãdi  hã
		‘I want to study’   
(10)	 Aspect markers  -ẽda  (Imperfective)  -Iya  (Perfective)  e.g. 
	mɛ̃   gIa  
	‘I want’
	mɛ̃  kәm kәrẽda  hã   
	‘I do the work’   
(11)	 The Aux.  ho  which is marked for tense, number and person e.g. 
	mɛ̃   ghәr  hã  
	‘I am at home’  
	mɛ̃  ghәr  hәm  
	‘I was at home’  
	әsã  ghәr  hɛ̃   
	‘We are at home ‘  

12.8.  Verb phrase having passive stem occurs with  -wn- in its  -Iya form e.g.  
	kәmij   sәwij  gәi  he   
	‘The shirt has been sewn’ 
	o  pәrnij  gIa  he  (gɛ)  
	‘He has got married’  
	o  pәrnij  gәi  he  
	‘She has got married’  
	o  pәrnij  gәn  (gɛ  hIn)  
	‘They have got married’  

The verb wɛ̃n - in its - Iya form agrees with the subject N in number and gender which is IIIrd person. But the passive stem remains the same.

The verb phrase having the passive marker -Iya + wn in its –Iya form has both passive and capabilities meanings e.g.

roṭi  khadi  gәi  he  
The food has been eaten’  
kәmij  siti  gәI  hai  
‘The shirt had been sewn’ 

The VP agrees with the subject N in number and gender, which is in IIIrd person inanimate object.e.g. ǝ̃b khade gɛ hIn ‘The mangos have been eaten’ The VP having the imperfective passive marker -ĩda agrees with the subject N in gender and number, which is in IIIrd person inanimate object e.g.

wәdhai  thali  kәrĩdi  he  
‘wәdhai  thali  (a ritual done at 
The time of marriage) is being done’  
pәriti  bhojәn kәrĩda  hai  
‘pәriti  bhoj  (a party)  was being done’   

12.9 Auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes

These auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes occur with the nouns and verbs as well. They are used extensively in conversation. When the subject is omitted, this serves as a device of brevity in speech. There is no gender distinction in the pronominal suffixes. They indicate the category of person and number. These occur in contrast to imperfect and perfect set of auxiliaries, which also indicate the categories of number and person. The function of these is quite different than those.

For example: 

	buxar  hIm 		‘Lit. The fever is to me’ 
				‘I have fever’  
	buxar  hIs			‘He/She has fever’  
	buxar  hIwi  		‘You have fever’   
	buxar hawi  tã kyũ ayẽ 	‘ If you had fever why  have you come.’  
	buxar  hәs			‘He/She  had fever’
	ke  nã  hәs  		‘What was his name?’  
	dhi  suṇi  hIm 		‘My daughter is beautiful’  
	pәr putr suṇa  nIm		‘but my son is  not beautiful’  
	ḍer  hIwi 			‘Do you have your husband’s brother’  

	kIti ḍer  hIni  		‘How many husband’s brothers do you have?’  
	sora  hIs			‘He is her/ his father- in-law’  
 	dhi  suṇi  hIse  		‘Our daughter is beautifil’  
	dhi suṇi  hIwe  		‘your(pl) daughter is beautiful’ 
	dhi  suṇi  hIne  		‘Their daughter is beautiful’
						or  
				‘They have a beautiful daughter’

With kinship nouns pronominal suffixes with auxiliaries indicate the possessive subject with person and number distinction. The second person pl. forms indicate the honorific form in singular also.

Occurrence of imperfect auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes is observed with past participle form of the verb e.g.

	Ist p. sg. 	Kitab  pәṛi  hIm		‘Lit the book is read by me’ 
					‘I have read the book’  
•	When the preceding noun in plural hIm is used. 
IInd p.sg.		kItab  pәṛi hIwi		‘You have read the book’ 
IIIrd p. sg.		kItabã pәṛIã  hIni		‘you have read the books’
IIIrd p. sg.		kItab  pәṛi  hIs		‘ We have read the book’ 
Ist p. g. 		ḍu  kItabã  pәṛIã hIn		‘I have read two books’  
		paṭh  pәṛIya hIm		‘I have read the lesson’   

The past participle form agrees with object N in number  and gender.   

Ist person  pl.  	Kitab pəṛI  hIse		‘We have read the book ‘
IInd person pl. 	kItab pәṛi  hIwe		‘You have read the book?’  
		kItabã  pәṛIã  hIne		‘You have read the books?’  
IIIrd person pl. 	kItab  pәṛi  hIne 	 	They have read the book?’ 

The auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes agree with subject N in person and number. The subject N is generally deleted. Occurrence of perfect auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes is observed with past participle e.g.

	
	Ist p. sg.	kItab pәṛi  hәm  	‘Lit.The book was read by me’ 
				‘I had read the book’ 
	IInd p. sg. 	kItab pәṛi  hawi  	‘You had read the book.’ 
	IIInd p. sg. kItab pәṛi  hәs	‘He/She had read the book.’ 
	Ist p. pl. 	kItab  pәṛi  hase 	‘ We had read the book.’ 

	IInd p. pl.  	kItab pәṛi  hawe 	‘You had read the book.’  
	IIIrd p. pl.	kItab pәṛi hane	‘They had read the book.’  

The subject is indicated by the auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. These indicate the person and number and agree in number with the subject N which is (omitted in the conversation) implied in auxiliary form itself. These form do not agree with the object N in number and gender. Past participle form agrees with the object N in number and gender. The only exception is in second person where two forms exists, which agree with the subject in number and person and agrees also with the object in number .

For example: 
	dhi  ai  hIm	‘My daughter has come’   
	putr  aya hIm	‘My son has come’ 
	ḍuwẽ  dhIri  aIã  hin	‘My both the daughters have come.’
	ḍuwẽ  putr  aye  hin	‘My both the sons have come’ 

These auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes occur with present participle forms, but indicate different meanings e.g.


o   kәm  kәrẽda  hIm 
	‘He does (my) work’ (to me)’ my work is done by him’ 
	putr  kәm  kәrẽda  hIm 
	‘My son works’ 
	dhi  nәlәri  kәrẽdi  hIm 
	‘My daughter is doing service’
o  pɛse  pәṭhẽda  hIwi  
	‘Does he send money to you?’  
	dhi  pәṛdi  hIs  
	‘His/Her  daughter is studying’
o  pɛle / pɛse pәṭhẽda  hәm  
	‘He used to send me money earlier’


	putr  pɛse  pәṭhẽda  hawi  
	‘Your son used to send money to you’  
	putr  pɛse  pәṭhẽda  hәs  
	‘His / her son used to send money to him/her’  
	әkhĩ wIcũ  ḍIsda nIm  
	‘I cannot see with my eyes’   

13. SENTENCE TYPES

13.1. Any discourse can be analyzed into shorter utterances marked by minimum free intonation. These shorter utterances are sentences and these sentence consists of one or more morpheme sequences or phrases. Stylistically sentences may be grouped as conversational and narrative. Conversational sentences are usually very short.

	For example : 
	
		koṇ 		‘who’	(i.e. who is there?)
		kItthã		‘where’	(where are you going?)  
		ghәr  		‘home’	(I am going home.)  
		kyṇ  		‘why?’	(Why are you going home?’)  

However, such sentence can be expanded transformationally into sentences, which will yield different patterns. Such sentences along with interjections and vocative forms can be regarded as minor sentences.

	

For example:	
	hae		“Ah !”  	(I am sorry to hear it.)  
	śabaś  		“bravo !”	(I heartily approve what you have done or  are doing ?	
	hɛ̃		“surprise !” 

Narrative sentences have the favourite sentence forms and are thus regarded as full sentences.

The simple statement type sentences have been described in the chapter on verb phrase (section 12.)

In this section the other sentence types, viz, the Imperatives, Interrogatives, Negatives, passives and conjunctions are discussed.

13.1.1. Imperatives :

There is a two-way distinction in second person pronouns: singular and plural forms. The plural forms are used for honorific singular. Imperative sentences are restricted to the second person pronouns or a vocative form and all inflected for appropriate number, gender and person features. For example :

	(tũ)	wəñ	(You(sg.)  go! 
	(tusã)     	wəño	(You (pl.) go!  
	(tũ)        	wəñī	(You (sg.)  polite) go!
	(tusã)     	wəña	(You (pl.)  polite go!  
		    (singular in honorific sense) 

Pronouns are generally deleted (unless there is an emphasis morpheme present) and the imperative sentence consists of the VP only.

For example : 
(tũ) wәñ  wi  	(You)  go!”  (sg.)  
lәga wәñ		(“go away!” (sg.) 
lәge  wәño 	(“go away !” (pl.)  
lәga wәñĩ		“please go away!”  (polite sg.)  
lәge wәñae	“please go away!” (polite pl.)  

Cher, Inte a 	‘o girl, come here!’  
Chor,  Inte a	‘o boy, come here !’  
ram, Inte  a	‘Ram, come here !’ 	
girish,  ghIn wәñәs	‘Girish, take her/him’ 

If the vocative form of the N is chosen, it is not deleted, the agreement features are according to whether vocative N is singular or plural.

In addition, the Infinitive form of the verb can be used to give command or make requests with the second person plural in familiar form: for example:

	(tusã)  kәl  lәge  wәñṇa  
	(You) “go tomorrow!” 
	(tusã)  әj  roṭi  Itthaĩ  khawәna 
	(You) please eat here today) !  

The negative imperative is formed in the same way as other negative sentences except that the negative particle is na. e.g.

	na kha		‘don’t eat’ (sg.)  
	na  khao		‘don’t eat’ (pl.) 
	na  khawĩ		‘don’t eat’ (polite sg.) 
na  khәwae		‘don’t eat’ (polite pl.)  

13.12.2. Interrogative :

In interrogative sentence one could question either the whole sentence or some element such as adjective, the adverb or the verb of a sentence. It is therefore correct to assume that the question element is related to the whole sentence. These sentenes may include one of the following interrogative words. For example :


	Statement 		Question
	o  suta  pɛ			kya  o  suta  pɛ 
 	‘He is sleeping’		‘Is he sleeping?’  
	huṇ  gh731241r  julũ  		huṇ  ghәr  julũ  
	‘Let us go home now’ 		‘Shall we go home now?’  
	mɛ̃ dIlli  wɛsã 		mɛ̃  dIlli  wfsã 
	‘I shall go to Delhi’ 		‘I shall go to Delhi?’ 

Either the question particle kya precedes the NP and the VP of the sentence or the intonation changes if the same sentence is interrogative. Intonation may change with emphasis on different items. e.g.

	huṇ2    ghәr2    	julu2  		/ statement / 
	huṇ2    ghәr2   	julu4 	 	/ question / 
	mɛ̃ 2    dIlli2  	wɛsã		/ statement / 
	mɛ̃ 2    dIlli  	wɛsã  		/ question / 

Besides a q-element, there is at least one other interrogative morpheme which determines which element of the sentence is to be questioned i.e. subject, verb, adverb of place, Adjective, manner adverb. How does a question element get attached to subject, object, verb etc? In a sentence which contains the Q- element it attaches to the category that is preceded by k e.g.

Q-k+ N	 animate 
koṇ  Suta  pIa hai  
‘who’  was sleeping?’ 
o-Q-k-+  adverb of place  suta  pIa hai 
o  kItthã suta  pIa hai 
‘He was sleeping where?’  
o  keri  jha te  suta pIa hai  
‘At which place he was sleeping ?’  

The following combinations of  Q+k -+  category of word result  
in the interrogative forms. 
	Q+k -+N (Animate) 		koṇ  		‘who’
	Q+k - + - N  (inanimate)	ke 		‘what’ 
	Q+k - + - adjective 		kIojIã		‘of what kind’ 
	Q + k - +  manner adverb 	kiwẽ		‘how’
	Q + k - +  Reason 		kyũ  		‘why’ 
	Q + k - +  time		kәḍәṇ 		‘when’ 
	Q + k - + place 		Itthã		‘where’
	Q + k - +  directional adverb 	kInte keṛe 		‘in what direction’ 
			Pase  
	Q + k - +  measurement 	KItti		‘how much, how many’ 
	
For example : 
	e  ke  he 
	‘What is this ?’  
	tɛk73361 kIo  jIã kәpṛa  loṛ  he  
	‘What sort of cloth do you want?’  
	tũ kiwẽ ayẽ 
	‘How have you come?’  
	tũ kyũ  nɛ̃  wɛ̃da 
	‘Why do you not go? 
	ghәr  k&31241ḍәṇ  wәsẽ
	‘When will you go home?’  
	tɛkũ  kItti  khir  loṛ  hɛ  
	‘How much milk do you want?’ 
	o  kInte  rãdi he 
	‘In what direction (where) does she live?’ 
13.1.3. Negative 

In Lahandã negative forms are derived from the negative particle na or ṇi + the auxiliary ho. The derived negative form always occurs in the pre-V position. The choice of a negative element has the following effect on the surface form of the sentence. (i) The negative form occurs after the predicate complement e.g. ] o cәŋŋa ṇi ‘He is not good’ o ghәr ṇi ‘He is not at home’ (ii) The negative forms with the verbs of imperfective and perfective forms i.e. -ɛ̃da and -Iya occur before them e.g.

Positive				Negative
o  wɛ̃da he 	↝  		o ṇi  wɛ̃da  
‘He goes’ 				‘He does not go.’  
mɛ̃  khãda hã	↝		mɛ̃ nã  khãda 
‘I eat.’				‘I do not eat.’  

	Positive 				Negative
ũ e  kItab  pәṛi  he  	↝ 		ũ  e  kItab ṇi  pәṛi   
‘He has read this book’ 		‘He has not read this book.’
KItab  pәṛi  nIm	↝		‘KItab  nIm pәṛi  
‘I have read the book’  		‘I have not read the book.’
roṭi  khadi hIwi  	↝		roṭi  nIwi khadi  
‘Have you eaten the food?’		‘Have you not eaten the food?’  
tɛ̃ e  kItabã  pәṛIã  hIn			tɛ̃  o  kItabã  nIn  pәṛIã  
‘You have read these books.’		‘You have not read these books.’ 

(iii)	With future, normative and imperative forms, negative particle  na  occurs. e.g. 

Positive 					Negative 
mɛ̃   wәñã  		↝		mɛ̃   na  wәñã
‘May I go?’  				‘May I not go?’  
mɛ̃  wɛ̃sã  			↝		mɛ̃  na  wɛ̃sã 
‘I will go’					‘I will not go’
tũ wәsẽ 			↝		tũ na  wәsẽ 
‘You will go’ 				‘You will not go’ 
(tũ)  wәñ			↝		(tũ) na  wәñ 
‘You go’					‘(You) don’t go’  
13.1.4. Passive 

Passive has already been discussed in (section 12.8) with the passive marker -Iya + wәñ (in – Iya form). All other possibilities are given below.

	Non-Passive  			 Passive
mɛ̃  kItab pәṛi  		↝	 mɛḍe  kolũ kItab  pәri  gәi   
‘I read the book.’			 ‘the book was read by me.’ 
o  hәṭṭi  te  nәi  wɛ̃da    	↝	 ũde  kolũ hәṭṭI  to nәi  gIa  wɛ̃da 
‘He does not go to shop’	 	 ‘Him’ ‘by’  shop ‘on’  ‘not’  is ‘gone’ 
śam  mIṭṭhai ṇi  khãda  	 	śam  kolũ mIṭṭhai ṇi  khadi wɛ̃di  
‘Shyam does not eat sweets’	 	‘The sweets are not eaten by Shyam.’  

The differences between the two sets are underlined and they consist of the passive marker -Iya + wәñ following the verb, and the postposition kolũ following the subject. Since the subject N is in the oblique case and is followed by a postposition the verb agrees with the direct object N in the past sentence. The agreement rules for the passive sentences can be stated as follow : (1) When a transitive V sentence is passivised, if the direct object N is not followed by kũ, the verb agrees with the direct object in number and gender in all aspects and tenses. e.g.

mɛḍe  kolũ kәmiz  nәi  siti  wɛ̃di  
‘The shirt is not sewn by me’ 
mɛḍe  kolũ  kәmiz  na siti wәsi 
‘The shirt will not be sewn by me.’ 

If the direct object is also followed by a postposition kũ the V remains in its unmarked form in all aspects and tenses. e.g.

		Dhobi  kolũ  ke prәeã  kũ dhuwaIya  wәsi  
		‘The clothes will be got washed by the washer man.’ 

The above agreement Rules apply to all transitive and double object verbs.  
		mɛḍe  kolũ  ukũ  cIṭṭhi lIkhi  gәi  he
		‘The letter is written by me to him.’ 
The passive marker  - Iya + wәñ  has a  capabilitative  meaning also e.g. 
		ũde  kolũ  roṭi  nәi  khadi  gәi  
		‘He was not able to eat the food.’ 
		Or  The food was not eaten by him.’  

The passive of  Vi sentences always have a capabilitative  meanings  e.g.  
		mɛḍe  kolũ  buxar  de  karәn ṭurIya nәi  gIa  
		‘I was not able to walk due to fever.’ 
13.1.5.	Conjunctions

Syntactically independent sentences are joined by conjunction morphemes. For instance in the following compound sentence, both the member sentence and conjuncts are independent.

		mɛ̃  ai  te  o  lәgi  gәi 
		‘I came and she left.’ 

Compound sentence is composed of two independent sentences which are conjoined by a conjunction morpheme te ‘and’ e.g. in this example :

		mɛ̃ ai 		‘I came’
		o  lәgi  gәi  	‘She left’

It may be noted that only sentences of similar structures can be conjoined. For example the following sentence is derived from the string given below it.

		sәngtәre  pәke to mIṭṭhe  hIn  
		‘Oranges are ripe and oranges are sweet.’  

The deletion of identical items of the compound sentence give us the conjoined NP’s and adjectives in the examples above.

	This assumption is supported by the fact that is given in a sentence  
		sәngtәre  pәke  hIn te  әngur mIṭṭhe  hIn  
	‘The oranges are ripe and grapes are sweet.’  We cannot reduce it to  
		sәngtәre  pәke to mIṭṭhe  hIn  
	The only possible reduction is  
		sәngtәre  pәke  tә әngur mIṭṭhe  hIn 
	‘The oranges ripe and grapes sweet are.’ 

The following are conjunctions in lahandã.  
	Co-ordinate conjunction 	te	‘and’
	Disjunctive Conjunction	ya	‘or’
					yaya
					hike ------ hIke	‘either – or’
					bhawẽ  ---- bhawẽ  	‘either – or’
					bhawẽ  ----tã		‘ whether’
		
	Negative Disjunctive 	na --- na 		‘ neither – nor’ 
	Adversative Conjunction 		lekin ;  pәr 	‘but’
					nәi  tã ‘otherwise’

The general rule for conjunctions is that strings as conjunctions as conjoined by conjunctions must have like structures, for instance.

ũ  bәu  custi  te  әsani  nal bIstәra  ca ghIda  
	‘He picked up the bedding with great speed and ease.’  

Where cUsti nal ‘with speed’ and әsani nal ‘with care’ are both manner adv’s similarly the following are grammatical

	mɛ̃  ukũ ya  ũdi  kuwar  kũ  mIlnã  cãda hã 
	‘I want to meet him or  his wife’
	o  dIlli ya  bәmbai  wәñәṇ  ala hai  
	‘He was to go to Delhi or Bombay.’ 
	Where  ukũ  and  ũdi  kuwar  kũ  are both  NP’s 
	dIlli  and bәmbәi  are both adverbs of place 
	bhawẽ  mɛ̃  asã bhawẽ  o asi  
	‘either I will come or he will come.’  
	Na  tũ  kәresẽ na  mәkũ  kәrәṇ  ḍesẽ 
	‘Neither you will do nor you will let me do.’  

When two NPs are joined by the coordinate conjunction te the NP which dominates them is plural and when two NP’s are joined by the disjunctive conjunction ya the NP which dominates them is singular e.g.

	mɛ̃  te  tũ  kәṭhe  julsũ  
	‘We will go together.’ 
	lәcchụ  te radhe  aye  
	‘lacchu and Radhe came.’  
	ram ya śam  wәsi  
	‘Either Ram or Shyam will go.’ 
	Hike  ram wәsi  hike lәcchu wәsi,  hIk wəsi  
	‘Either Ram will go or lacchu  will go, only one will go.’ 

The adversative conjunctions lekin /per ‘but’ etc have a special characteristic. In some sense, the conjunct that follows the conjunction pәr / lekin must be unexpected or contrary to the conjunct that precedes it.

	o   awәṇ  ali  hai  pәr  ai ṇi  
	‘She was to have come but did not.’  
	o  aya hai  lekin  mɛ̃ nṇm  mIli  
	‘He had come but I had not met.’ 
	mɛ̃ ukũ  bәu  rokIya hai  lekin  o  lega i gɛ 
	‘I tried my best to stop him but he left all the same.’ 

The structures that are not contrary to each other cannot be conjoined by lekin e.g. the following is ungrammatical :

	
radhe  lәkin  lecchu  khIlIya
It has to be 
	Radhe khIlIya lәkin  lәcchu  nәI  khIlIya 
	‘Radhe laughed but lacchu did not.’ 

13.1.6. Conditional

If one sentence conjunct is dependent on another, the two can be combined by conditional morphemes. The following are the conditional morphemes. The first element may be optionally dropped.

(1) je ----------tã			‘if ----------- then’ 
(2) әgәr -------tã			‘if ---------- then’ 
(3) jәḍәṇ ------tã			‘when -------then’ 
(4) jerewele ----Usse wele 		‘when -------then’ 
For example : 
The following pairs of sentences can be joined with conditional morphemes : 
(1)  	o  asi  			‘He will come’ 
	mɛ̃  wәsã			‘I will go’ 
(2)  	mĩ  wәssi  			‘It will rain’ 
	phәsәl  cәŋŋI  thisi 		‘The crops will be good’ 
(3)	mɛ̃  daru  na  kәrã 		‘I may not take medicine.’  
	mɛ̃  mәr  wәñã 		‘I may die’ 
(4)	gәḍi  der nal ai  		‘(The)  train came late.’ 
	әsã  pәkәr  ghInsũ		‘We will catch.’ 
(5) 	o  asi 			‘She will come.’ 
	mɛ̃   lәgi  wәsã		‘I will go away.’ 

The above given pairs can be conjoined with conditional morphemes as given below.  
(1)	je  o  asi  tã mɛ̃ wәsә 
     ‘If he will come then I shall go.’ 
     jәḍәṇ  o asi tã mɛ̃  wәsã 

‘When he will come then I will go.’  

(2)	әgәr  mĩ  wәssi  tãphәsәl  cәŋŋi  thisi  
‘If it will rain then the crops will be good.’ 

(3)  je  mɛ̃  daru na  kәrã tã  mɛ̃ mәr  wәñã
      ‘If  I do not take medicine then I shall die.’  

(4)	 әgәr gәḍi  der  nal ai  tã әsã  p731241kәr  ghInsũ  
‘If the train is late then we will catch it.’ 

(5)	 jɛṛe wele o  asi  Usse  wәle  mɛ̃ lәgi  wәsã 
‘When she will come then (at the same time) I will go away’. 

There is no restriction on the order of the sentence conjuncts in the compound sentence structures, for example the above sentence can be conjoined in reverse order also.
mɛ̃ tã wәsã je o asi

No two sentences can be conjoined by conditional morpheme if one of them is not dependent on the other. For example the following two sentences cannot be conjoined by this conditional morphemes i.e.

	mɛ̃ ai  			‘I came’
	mɛ̃ gәi  			‘I went’ 
	je  mɛ̃  ai  tã mɛ̃  gәi 		‘If  I come then I went.’ 
	tã mf gәi  je  mɛ̃  ai  		‘Is not possible’ 


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