The phonemic system of Lahandā is made up of forty-seven segmental phonemes, of which, thirty-five are consonants, ten vowels and two semi-vowels. The inventory of segmental phonemes is as follows:
Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Glottal dental Stops V1. de-asp. p t th c k V1. asp. ph ṭ ṭh ch kh Vd. de-asp. b d dh j g Vd. asp.1 bh ḍ ḍhjh gh Nasals m n ṇ ñ ŋ Fricatives V1. f s ă x h Vd. z y Liquids Lateral l Vibrant r ṛ 1V1. = Voiceless, de-asp = deaspirated, Vd. = voiced, asp. = aspirated. Vowels : Front Central Back High i u Lower-high ī ū Higher-mid e o mid ɛ әɔ Lower-mid Low a Semi-vowels: Front Central Back y w
Lahandā has thirty-five consonant phonemes. Phonemic contrasts have been illustrated in the following sections:
Labials |p| [pae] ‘husband [gәppa] ‘gossips’ [gәp] ‘gossip’ |ph| [phɛe] ‘noose’ [gәppha]‘a big collection’ |b| [bә] ‘sit’ [rәbha] ‘God’ [jeb] ‘pocket’ |bh| [bhә] ‘fear’ [lәbbhã]‘may find’ [lәbh] ‘find’ [gәbhru] ‘husband’ Dentals or Alveolars: |t| [tota] ‘parrot’ [sutta] ‘sleeping’ [sәt] ‘seven’ |th| [thotha] ‘a blue substance’ [j ttha] ‘group’ |d| [der] ‘delay’ [di] ‘of’ [gәddi] ‘cushion’ [sәdrã] ‘desires’ [sәddәr] ‘desire’ |dh| [dhu] ‘smoke’ [sadhu] ‘saint’ [dhi] ‘daughter’ [sudh] ‘remembrance’ Palatals: |c| [cot] ‘hurt’ [cor] ‘thief’ [s cca] ‘truthful’ [a c] ‘truth’ |ch| [choṭa] ‘small’ [chor] ‘boy’ [ccha] ‘well’ [much] ‘moustache’ |j| [juṭh] ‘remaining portion (after cating)’ [r jja puja] ‘well satisfied’ [r j puj ghIn] ‘get fully satisfied’ |jh| [jhuṭh] ‘lie’ [m jjha]‘buffaloes’ [m njha] ‘cot’ [m jh] ‘buffalo’ Retroflex: |ṭ| [ṭur] ‘walk’ [ṭuṭṭa] ‘broken’ [suṭ] ‘throw’ |ṭh| [ṭhur] ‘need’ [uṭṭha] ‘camels, may get up’ [uṭh] ‘camel, get up’ |ḍ| [ḍaka] ‘robbery’ [a dda] ‘call’ [m ṇḍa] ‘big bread’ [suḍ] ‘a spice’ |ḍh| [ḍhaka] ‘a city’[buḍḍha] ‘old’ [ḍaḍha] ‘strong’[ḍhIḍh] ‘stomach’ Velar: |k| [ke] ‘what’ [s kka] ‘relative’ [h k] ‘right’ |kh| [khe] ‘dust’ [bhukkha] ‘hungry’ |g| [ga] ‘sing’ [bhugga] ‘edible seed’ [jh g] ‘foam’ |gh| [gha] ‘grass’ [bәgghi] ‘chariot’ [bagh] ‘tiger’ Nasals: |m| [mã] ‘mother’ [әmmә] ‘mother’ [aәmmәṇ] ‘to sleep’ [sәm] ‘sleep’ [ãәrmawәṇ] ‘to feel shame’ |n| [nã] ‘name’ [mәnnәṇ] ‘to getaccepted’ |ṇ| [ṇu ṇu] ‘sobbing’ [hәṇṇu] ‘jaw’ [huṇ] ‘now’ [wәṇ] ‘informal address to a girl’ |n| [nũ nũ] ‘childish complaint’ [wәññә&326] ‘to go’ [wәn] ‘go’ |ŋ| [ŋәŋŋәŋ nәppa] ‘nonsense syllables in playing with a child’ [mәŋŋәn] ‘to beg’ [mәŋ] ‘beg’ [wәŋŋã] ‘bangles’ [wәŋ] ‘bangle’ Fricatives: |f| [fɔrәb] ‘at once’ [nәffa] ‘profit’ [kәf] ‘cough’ |s| [sәrdi] ‘cold’ [pasa] ‘side’ [kIssa] ‘story’ [hәssã] ‘may laugh’ [hәs] ‘laugh’ [túlai] ‘a name of plant and Goddess’ [kursi] ‘chair’ |s| [šәrm] or [šәrәm] ‘shame’ [maša] ‘a measurement’ [mәšal] ‘light’ [laš] ‘dead body’ |z| [zәrdi] ‘redness’ [sәza] ‘punishment’ [m rz] ‘illness’ [gәz] ‘yard’ |x| [xar] ‘literally thorn’ [bәxar] ‘fever’ [bәxt] ‘fortune, luck’ [lal surx] ‘extremely red’ [rux] ‘side’ |y| [yar] ‘hole’ [bәr swәt] ‘revolt’ [bay] ‘garden’ |h| [har] ‘defeat’ [pәhaṛ] ‘mountain’ Liquids: |l| [log] ‘people’ ‘kulli] ‘coolie’ ‘kuli] ‘delicate’ (feminine) [kulla] ‘cap’ [kula] ‘delicate’ (masculine) [kul] ‘total’ |r| [rog] ‘illness’ [mәrәṇ] ‘to die’ [mәr] ‘die’ |ṛ| [maṛi] ‘bad’ [khәṛa] ‘standing’ [lәṛ] ‘fight’
Stops: The series of stops phonemicised as |t th d dh| have freely variable allophones of alveolar and dental
type. Retroflex stops are produced with retroflexion of tongue at any point of articulation ranging from the roof of the mouth to the
alveolar region. The significant or distinctive difference between retroflex and alveolar series does not lie in the point of
articulation, but in fact, in the movement of articulator. In retroflex sounds, the underside of the apex or blade touches the roof
whereas in alveolar series the upper surface of the
apex
or blade touches the alveolar ridge.
Nasals: It is evident from illustrations above that all five nasals contrast. This may be noted further that the appearance of
|ṇ ñ ŋ| is predictable before stops; e.g.
|ṇ| before retroflex stops |ñ| before palatal stops |ŋ| before velar stops
In other words, a nasal occurring before a stop is assimilated to it as far as the articulation in the oral tract is involved. Whenever it is otherwise, a morphemic juncture is the possibility, e.g.
|mәṇḍi| ‘market’ |mәṇ+di| ‘of a mound’ |mәndi| ‘bad’ (fem.) |mәn+di| ‘of mind’
Some confusion prevails regarding the phonetic shape of the palatal nasal. Mr. A. Jukes thinks, “The sound is something between
nj and ny, sometimes leaning more to one side, sometimes to the other”. Grierson while quoting A. Jukes says,
"Sir James Wilson, in a private communication, describes the pronunciation as that of nj with the j left cut." .It
appears that it does not deserve any special treatment. This is simply like the other nasal phonemes and is produced with the
same articulation in the oral tract as is involved in the production of other palatal sounds.
Fricatives: |f| is a labio-dental fricative and is unvoiced. |s| is produced by friction of the blade of the tongue touching the
alveolar ridge. This is unvoice. |f| and |a| phonemes have no voiced counterparts. Other fricatives |s| and |x| have their
voiced counterparts symbolized as |z| and |y| respectively. In the production of palatal fricatives, the position of the tongue
is the same as is in the production of palatal stops. They differ only in the manner of articulation. The velar fricatives are a
little more backish than velar stops.
Liquids: |l| is lateral i.e. in the production of this sound the moth passage is occluded but an opening is left along one or
both sides for the breath to pass. |r| is an alveolar flap and |ṛ| is a retroflex flap. There is no trilled variety of vibrants.
However, some speakers who have some difficulty in pronouncing retroflex |ṛ| replace it with a trilled variety |ṛ| e.g.
|ghoṛi khәṛe tã mɛ̃ cәṛã|
in place of |ghoṛi khәṛe tã mɛ̃ cәṛã|
But this may not be considered a generalized pronunciation or a pronunciation acceptable to native speakers. Speakers of this language
react strongly to such pronunciations with a trilled variety. The sentence given above is very often quoted by native speakers to
laugh at such pronunciations.
This is no retroflex counterpart of the lateral in Lahandā. Grierson in his transliteration uses the |ḷ| symbol e.g. in the
word |thәḷi| ‘name of dialect’ but no such sound exists in the dialect of Lahandā described here.
All consonant phonemes except |h| and |ṛ| occur in all position. |h| occurs initially, and medially its occurrence is limited to positions before |a|,|ṛ| does not occur initially but contrasts with |ḍ| and |r| medially and finally. Velar, Palatal and Retroflex nasals |ŋ ñṇ| do not normally appear in initial position. It is also interesting to note that dental |d| occurs very infrequently in the initial position as compared to other stops.
All stops all nasals, fricatives |f| and |a| and lateral have geminated allophones which occur medially in non-cluster position after a short vowel |I, ә, u|. Gemination is predictable; therefore, it is not phonemic. However, there were a few cases such as |a әffa| ‘clear, frank’ and |sәffa| ‘page’ in which geminate and non-geminate |f| appear to be contrastive.
In some Indo-Aryan languages, fricatives |f z x y| can be regarded as non-essential or marginal phonemes either because they deal very freely with |ph j khg| respectively or because they occur only in borrowed words which are commonly and preferably pronounced with latter sounds. But in Lahandā they are distinct phonemes and any native speaker of literature or illiterate reacts to them, as he will react to any one of non-borrowed phonemes. The following minimal or sub-minimal pairs may be considered as an additional evidence for their distinctness:
|f| [sәfәr] ‘traveling’ |ph| [sәphәl] ‘successful’ |z| [zәŋ] ‘rust’ |j| [jәŋ] ‘war’ |x| [xar] literally ‘thorn’ |kh| [khar] literally salt [khara] ‘salty’ |y| [yar] ‘whole’ |g| [gara] ‘mixture of cement, etc.’
A general disagreement prevails among linguists regarding the aspirate stops in Indo-Aryan Languages. The main problem involved is
whether aspirates are unit phonemes or clusters of stop + h. Some might be tempted to say that aspiration is something like accent. Lahandā aspirate stops have been considered as unit phonemes on the following grounds:
1. Phonetically, the pronunciation of aspirates is simultaneous. It precludes the possibility of any cluster.
2. Distributionally: it may be noted that the distribution of aspirates is exactly parallel to those of deaspirates.
3. Aspirate stops appear initially, medially and finally. The occurrence of |h| is restricted to initial position and before |a|
in medial position.
4. Clusters of two consonants are permissible in Lahandā in all positions. However, there are no clusters of three consonants.
If aspirates are regarded as clusters, this will upset this pattern. Moreover, two-consonant clusters do not appear in initial
position except in cases where there is an evidence (historical or morphophonemic) of short vowel such as |I|, |u|, or |ә|
disappearing; e.g.
|bhra| |bhIra| ‘brother’ |khṛo| |khәṛo| ‘stand’ Besides, cluster of consonants and semivowels also appear initially. E.g. |pyar| ‘love’ |kwar| ‘daughter-in-law, wife’
A great deal of confusion prevails regarding the palatal series of stops |c, ch, j, jh|. The main question
involved is whether they are clusters, affricates or stops. Mostly they are treated as affricates and are phonetically regarded as
[tš, dž]. But Lahandā phonemes of this series have been considered as stops on the following grounds:
1. There is no phonetic evidence of their fricatives character.
2. Distributionally they behave exactly as other stop phonemes do.
3. No consonant cluster occurs initially except in stray cases where the free variant morphophonemic alternant explains the existence
of
a weak vowel which disappeared in that position.
4. Although clusters like |kә| as in |bәksa| ‘box’ and |kә| as in nәksa ‘map’ appear, the clusters of stop with
|z| do not appear.
Lahandā is grouped together with Sindhi in the northwestern group of Indo-Aryan languages. Sindhi has implosive phonemes contrasting
with explosive stops. It is said, ‘another neighbouring dialect of Lahandā -- Multāni – also has the phonemic contrast between
explosive and implosive stops. It has five voiced implosive phonemes |ƅ̂ d̂ ḍ̂ ĵ ĝ| (including dental implosive which is missing in
Sindhi) and voiced aspirated implosive allophones [ƅ̂h d̂ h ḍ̂ h ĵh ĝh ]
in complementary distribution with voiced aspirated explosives |ƅ̂h d̂ h ḍ̂ h ĵh ĝh|.7
some spectrograms of palatal stops as opposed to other stops and deaspirated stops as opposed to aspirated stops are explained.
Prima facie palatal stops differ from other stops in the duration of friction noise. The same is true of velar stops as opposed to
other stops. The analysis is being pursued further in order to get concrete results
at least at the acoustic level.
L.M.Khubchandani, “The Phonology and Morphophonemics of Sindhi” an unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1961.
But this statement is not correct about the Derawal dialect of Lahandā because there are no implosives phonetically or phonemically
in this dialect.
Vowels: Lahandā has ten vowel phonemes. Phonemic contrasts have been illustrated in the following sections: Front |i|: |I| |bij| ‘seed’ ‘bIjli’ ‘electricity’ |i|: |e| |ji| ‘form of respect’ |je| ‘if’ |i|: |ɛ| |pir| ‘pain’ |pɛr| ‘foot’ |I| |e| |tIl| ‘a kind of seed’ |tel| ‘oil’ |I|: |ɛ| |mIl| ‘meet’ |mɛI| ‘dirt’ |e|: |ɛ| |ke| ‘what’ |kɛ| ‘vomiting’ |je| ‘if’ |jɛ| ‘victory’ Central |ә|: |a| |ma |mәr| ‘die’ |mar| ‘beat kill’ Back |u|: |u| |kula| ‘soft’ |kula| ‘cap’ [kulle] |u|: |o| |kuṛ| ‘lie’ |koṛ| ‘leprosy’ |u|: |ɔ| |kuṛ| ‘lie’ |kәṛ| ‘bitterness’ |u|: |o| |kuṛ| ‘go get irritated’ |koṛ| ‘leprosy’ |uṛ| ‘fly’ |oṛ| ‘cover’ |u|: |muka| ‘fist’ |mukka| |muka| ‘opportunity’ |o|: |hoka| ‘announcement’ |kɔka| ‘sigh’ Front, Central and Back |i|: |u| |mĩ| ‘rain’ |mũ| ‘mouth’ |I|: |ә|: |u| |hIk| ‘one’ |hәk| ‘right’ |huk| ‘hook’ |e|: |o| |jeṛa| ‘who, which’ |joṛa| ‘couple’ |ɛ|: |ɔ| |mɛla| ‘dirty’ |mɔla| ‘literally God, a big one’ |i|: |I|: |e|: |ɛ|: |ә|: |a|: |u|: |u|: |o|: |ɔ|: |mil| ‘mile’ |mIl| ‘meet’ |mel| ‘meeting’ |mɛl| ‘dirt’ |mәl| ‘rub’ |mal| ‘goods’ |mul| ‘basic money’ |mul| ‘price’ |mols| ‘a wooden stick’ |mɔla| literally ‘God’
The vowels |I ә u| are short and others are relatively long. Sometimes these short vowels are pronounced even extra short and have a tendency to disappear; e.g.
|bhIra| |bhra| |tәrɛ| |trɛ|
Front and central vowels are unrounded and back vowels are rounded. Generally, there is less rounding in back vowels and less
broadening of the mouth in the front vowels. There is also comparatively less opening of the mouth in all vowels. This leaves
comparatively greater scope for differences at the phonetic level.
All vowels except the short vowel phonemes |I, ә, u| occur in all positions. The occurrence of short vowels is restricted to
initial and medial positions. In this respect, Lahandā differs from the neighbouring language Sindhi which unlike many other
Indo-Aryan languages still retains the final short vowels.
Vowel sequences are permissible but this may be noted that short vowels cannot occur in the final position. Sequences of two short
vowels do not occur.
Daniel Jones defines a diphthong as "an independent vowel glide not containing either a ‘peak’ or a ‘valley’ of prominence". This is
the phonetic definition of a diphthong. Phonetically to a great extent |ɛ| and |ɔ| are diphthongs and they may be regarded as |ə̪ɛ|
and |ə̪o|. But phonemically they have been considered as simple vowels because their distribution is parallel to that of simple vowels.
Vowel sequences such as |ə̪i| and |ə̪u| in |pәi| ‘progressive auxiliary contraction of |pIa he| with emphasis as opposed to
|pɛ| ‘non-emphatic’ and |gə̪u| ‘cow’ as opposed to |gɔtәm| ‘name’.9
Besides there is glide of [w] and [y] which is predictable because it is conditioned by the environment. [w] occurs after back
vowels and [y] occurs after front vowels, e.g. [uwo] ‘only that’ and [iyo] may be written phonemically as |uo| and |io|.
Semivowels |w| and |y| occur as phonetic glides (as explained in 1.2.2). They also occur in positions which are exclusive to the corresponding vowels |u| and |I|. Initially before a vowel, their distribution is similar to that of consonants. Elsewhere they behave like non-syllabic vowels. They could easily be regarded as allophones of |u| ad |I|. But there are some examples in which they contrast with these phonemes; e.g.
“Phonemically we might define a diphthong as a combination of two (or more) phonemes of which one is usually vocalic, the other (s) semivowels, such combinations contrast minimally with unit syllabic phonemes”. Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European Phonology, P. 12.
|gIa| ‘gone’ |gyarã| ‘eleven’ |juari| ‘gambler’ |jwar| ‘a kind of grain’
This has been considered safer to add these two phonemes to the inventory of segmental phonemes.
It is regarded convenient to group phonemes in two different categories, such as segmental and suprasegmental. But the distinction between these two categories is very hard to define. Generally or traditionally segmental phonemes are considered to form a linear order or sequence whereas suprasegmental phonemes are regarded to be overlapping.
Suprasegmental features of Lahandā are as follows:
Nasalization is phonemic in Lahandā. Nasalized and non-nasalized vowels contrast are shown in illustrations below:
|ga| ‘sung’ : |gā| ‘cow’ |wɛda| ‘promise’ : |wɛ̃da| ‘going’ |kyu| ‘one’ : |kyũ| ‘why’ |badi| ‘a disease’ : |bãdi| ‘maid-servant’ 1See Gleason: An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics (1961), p.371. 2See E. Pulgram: Introduction to the Spectrography of Speech, 1959, p. 160.
There are three degrees of nasalization in Lahandā.
a) Strong, e.g. |mәrĩdi| passive perfective of |mɛr-| ‘to beat, kill’: |mәrẽda| ‘active transitive imperfective
of |mar-| |gãda| ‘singing’ |rõda| ‘weeping’ etc. and also in examples given in 2.1.0. This nasalization is independent of
any environmental situation.
b) Moderate: This type of nasalization occurs before a nasal consonant; e.g. [ǝ̃m] ‘mango’.
c) week: this type of nasalization occurs after a nasal consonant; e.g. [mã] ‘mother’.
Moderate and week nasalization is conditioned by the environment and need not be written phonemically. The strong nasalization is
different from the latter two in the sense that it is phonemic. It differs also from the other two in the distributional sense.
Moderate and week nasalization can occur with any vowel phoneme (long or short) but strong nasalization is restricted to long vowel
phonemes.
10. Juncture: Juncture is phonemic in Lahandā as illustrated by the following minimal contrast: |xudã| ‘God’ |xud+a| ‘come yourself’
H.M.Hoenigswald considers nasalization prosodic and also makes a phonetic and phonemic distinction in Declension and
nasalization in
Hindustani Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol.68-3, 1948, p. 148.
This type of juncture may be written with space in between. This plays a very important and significant role in the morphophonemic
alternation. (See 8).
Juncture may be sub-divided into two groups: (a) Close: It occurs where there is a syllabic boundary and is represented by the symbol |-|. [kIš-ti]. (b) open: This may be sub-divided further into three groups: 1. Internal open (plus) juncture symbolized as |+|. It coincides with word boundary: [kәm+kә+reṇ+di] ‘of doing work’ 2. Pause, phrase or clause juncture symbolized as |I]. It coincides with phrase boundary. |kәm+kә-rәṇ+di| kә+loṛ+he| [je+sã_......] ‘what is the necessity of doing work, if you....’ 3. Terminal, It occurs at the end of a sentence. It is symbolized as |II|. |a wәñII| ‘come on’. This may either be falling or rising depending upon the type of sentence or expression.
Syllabic close juncture used cannot be indicated with any symbol. Different types of open junctures can safely be indicated only with a cover symbol of space.
This may be noted that accent and stress are not distinctive features in Lahandā. Some minor variations in intention are observed; e.g.
4 l=lsw 2=mid 3=high 4=high |mɛ̃2 dIli wɛsã 2 ] ‘I shall go to Delhi’.
This is a simple statement of fact. The intonation changes, if the name sentence is interrogative. Intonations may change with emphasis on different items; e.g.
|mɛ̃2 dIli2 wɛsã 4↓| question’ |mɛ̃4 dIlie2 wɛsã 2↓| emphasis on |mɛ̃| |mɛ̃2 dIli4 wɛsã 2↓| emphasis on |dIli| |mɛ̃2 dIli wɛsã↑| emphasis on |wɛsã|
Very often the question of tone is discussed in Panjābī and Lahandā. The question of tone is related with loss of
aspiration or |h| in these languages. Talking about |h| Grierson writes, “In other positions, i.e. when it is not at the beginning
of a word or preceding the accented syllable, it is hardly audible or may be altogether inaudible, but it strongly raises the pitch
of
the preceding vowel, often altering the whole tone of the word.
Thus, lãh, boxing down is very different in sound from lã, attach, although the h in the former is often inaudible.
Similarly
the first ã in kãhlã, speedy is pronounced in a high tone, while in kālā, black, it has the ordinary tone,
although the h in the former word is not itself sounded. Grierson also mentions that the same remarks apply to soft (not hard)
aspirated consonants.
The other dialects of Lahandā is not known but it is certain that the tone distinction does not exist in the Derãwãl dialect.
The examples mentioned by Grierson are pronounced as follows in this dialect:
Grierson on Punjabi, p. 237. [lәha] ‘boxing down’ [la] ‘attach’ [kala] ‘used mostly in the sense of black and may also mean speedy’.
Dr. Hardev Bahri in his unpublished thesis concerning the phonetics and Phonology of Awankari, another dialect of
Lahandā belonging to the northeastern group of dialects spoken in Attack and Kohat, describes four tones such as filling,
high,
low, mid or level.
This may be added that dialects differ strikingly from one another and it does not preclude the possibility of tone in other
dialects
but this should be analyzed more systematically before any conclusions are arrived at. This is merely a note
of caution and does not in any way prejudice any kind of judgement which can be arrived at.
Hardev Bahiri, Phonetics and Phonology of Awankari (Lahandi); Kalicharan Bahal, “A note on tones in Western Punjabi (Lahanda).”
Indian Linguistics Bagchi Memorial, volume 1957. For the tone in Punjabi, Bailey, “A Punjabi Phonetic Reader; B.D. Jain”,
“A Phonology of Punjabi and A Ludhinawi Phonetic Reader”.
Morphophonemic alternations are sometimes termed morphophonemic charges. This does not appear to be a proper term because it
conveys the meaning of a sort of historical change, which is not true of the sense in which one would like to use the term.
Ancient Sanskrit grammarians used the term ‘Sandhi’ for these alternations. This term has been borrowed in English and
morphophonemic alternations are further divided into two sub-groups of internal and external Sandhi. Terms like regular and
irregular or automatic and non-automatic alternations are freely employed for further sub-divisions of morphophonemic alternations.
Lahandā morphophonemic alternations have been grouped under three classes:
1. Regular alternations: Under this group, those alternations have been treated which show some kind of regularity. These may be
termed automatic also. Such alternations are further sub-divided into two groups of “phonemically conditioned” and “morphemically
conditioned”.
2. Irregular alternations: All those alternations which do not show any regularity of pattern have been treated under this section.
3. Synctico-phonemic alternations: This new term is used to cover all those alternations which can be treated at some syntactical level
and may or may not show any regularity at the phonemic level.
A) Phonemically conditioned: (i) i ↝ I before vowel and after heavy syllables (i.e. more than one) |galtiã| ↝ |gәltIã| ‘mistakes’ |nai-ã| ↝ |naIã| ‘barbers’ but not in monosyllables: |dhiã| ‘daughters’ (ii) ĩ↝ I in conditions as in (i) |saĩ-ã| ↝ |saIã| ‘masters’ (iii) u ↝ U as in (i) |gәbhru-ã| |gәbhrUã| ‘husbands’ |hәñju-ã| |hәnjã| ‘tears’ but not in monosyllables: |uo| ‘that one’ (iv) w ↝ / ~/ before consonants |ḍew-әṇ| ‘to give’ |ḍẽ-da| ‘giving’ |thiw-әṇ| ‘to be’ |thi-da| ‘being’ (v) w ↝ Φ before pause |thiw- ṇ| ‘to be’ |thi| ‘(you) be’ (vi) kh↝ Φ before stop |akh-әṇ| ‘to say’ |a-da| ‘saying’ |ḍekh-әṇ| ‘to see’ |ḍe-da| ‘seeing’ (vii) ã ↝ E before aibilants ɛ̃ before stops |wәñ-әṇ| ‘to go’ |wɛsã| ‘will go’ |wɛ̃da| ‘going’ (viii) a-ã ↝ awã ã-ã ↝ awã |bhIra-ã| ‘brothers’ |bhIrawã| |kã-ã| ‘crows’ |kawã| There is also an automatic glide of [w] after |u| and |U| and of [y] after |i| and |I| before vowels: [pyu-ã] ‘fathers’ [pyuwã] [dhi-ã] ‘daughters’ [dhiyã] [gәbhr-ã] ‘husbands’ [gәbhrwã] [yәltI-ã] ‘mistakes’ [yәltIyã] This glide has been considered as non-phonemic. (ix) Φ ↝ w if not covered by rule viii, between vowels |mar-әṇ| ‘to kill’ |mәr-ẽda| ‘killing’ |mәr-wa-waṇ| ‘to get killed’ |saṛ-әṇ| ‘to burn’ |sәr̄-ẽda| ‘burning’ |sәṛ-wa-waṇ| ‘to get burn’ |bal- ṇ| ‘to burn’ |bәl-ãda| ‘burning’ |bәl-wa-wan̄| ‘to get burnt’ (ii) Transitive verb-root medial e ↝ I before suffix –eda and in causative. |ḍew- ṇ| ‘to give’ |ḍIw-eda| ‘giving’ |ḍI-wa-wṇ| ‘to get given’ |ḍakh-ṇ| ‘to see’ |ḍIkh-eda| ‘showing’ |ḍIkh-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get shown’ (iii) Transitive verb-root medial o ↝ U before suffix -eda and in causative |ṭor- ṇ| ‘to leave’ |ṭUr-eda| ‘leaving’ |ṭUr-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get left’ |moṛ- ṇ| ‘to move aside’ |mUṛ-eda| ‘moving aside’ |mUṛ-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get moved’ |choṛ-ṇ| ‘to leave’ |chur-eda| ‘leaving’ |chuṛ-wa-w ṇ| ‘to get left’ (iv) Transitive root c ↝ k in intransitive and causative |wac- ṇ| ‘to sell’ |wIk- ṇ| ‘intransitive’ |wIk-wa-w ṇ| ‘causative’ (v) i ↝ before feminine suffix -ṇ |tali| ‘oil man’ |tel ṇ| ‘oil woman’ |moci| ‘cobbler’ |moc -ṇ| ‘feminine’ (vi) ai|ai ↝ ɛ before feminine suffix -ṇ |asi| ‘master’ |aɛ-ṇ| ‘mistress’ |k sai| ‘butcher’ |k sɛ-ṇ| ‘butcher’
This may be noted that although the most common form meaning 'brother' is |bhIra| yet the word |bhai| in the sense of servant, menial worker, etc. remains in the language. Probably |bhɛṇ| ‘sister’ is related to this word and is governed by this morphophonemic rule.
(vii) Postpositional -da -de -di (possessive) ↝ -ḍa -ḍe -ḍi after I and II person pronouns |mɛḍa| ‘my’ |saḍa| ‘our’ |tɛḍa| ‘your’ |twaḍa| ‘your’ but |ũda| ‘his’ |unnãda| ‘their’ |ramda| ‘of Ram etc.’ (viii) Loss of final nasalization | ~| of |mɛ̃| and |tɛ̃| before -da and -kũ |mɛ̃| ‘I’ |mɛda| ‘my’ |mɛkũ| ‘to me’ b) Irregular alternations:
Several perfective forms in Lahandā are irregular. These forms can be explained historically but historical considerations are
irrelevant for descriptive analysis. The full consideration of this problem will involve the consideration of morphology in detailed
manner. This is beyond the scope of the present analysis. Some irregular alternations are given below:
Speaking about some irregular English verb alternants, Bernard Bloch writes, "It does without saying that historical considerations
play no part in a structural description. The actual historical relation between sing and song is irrelevant here; all that is
relevant is their morphological relation in the structure of present-day English."
English verb inflection, Language 28, 1947, footnote 16.
Infinitive Perfective |kәr-әṇ| ‘to do’ |kita| |mәr-әṇ| ‘to die’ |moya| |ḍekh-әṇ| ‘to see’ |ḍIṭha| |ḍhaw-әṇ| ‘to fall’ |ḍhәṭha| |akh-әṇ| ‘to say’ |akhya| |ghIn-әṇ| ‘to take’ |gәIda| |wәñ-әṇ| ‘to go’ |gia| |bәn-әṇ| ‘to bind’ |bәdha| |sow-әṇ| ‘to sleep’ |sUta| |tәp-әәṇ| ‘to be heated’ |tәta|
Syntacticophonemic alternations is mostly governed by the rapidity of speech. The slow speech juncture helps in preserving the original forms but in rapid speech juncture is lost and it involves alternations such as u Unn wIcũ| ↝ |Unacũ|.2
There is morphophonemic regularity in the following cases (if juncture is lost): |mɛ̃ kәrẽda hã| ↝ |mɛ̃ kәrẽdã| ‘I do’ |tũkәrẽdã hẽ| ↝ |tũ kәredẽ| ‘you do’ |o kәrẽda he| ↝ |o kәrẽde| ‘he does’ |o kәrẽde hin| ↝ |o kәrẽden| ‘they do’ It is clear from the above illustrations that with the loss of juncture loss of |h| is
Grierson writes, “Ich is a termination and vich is a postposition.The former is derived from the latter, the v being dropped,
when the post-position becomes a termination.” Grierson on Panjabi, P. 244.
Automatically involved because |h| does not occur in medial position (ex. before a).
a + ã ↝ ã a + ẽ↝ ẽ a + e ↝ e (Ia + i ↝ e, a + i ↝ e) e + i ↝ e ɛ + i ↝ ɛ The same is the case with the following examples: |mɛ̃ kita he| ↝ |mɛ̃ kite| ‘I have done’ |assã kita he| ↝ |әssã kite| ‘we have done’ |mɛ̃ kita him| ↝ |mɛ̃ kitem|3 ‘I have done’ Similarly the following alternations occur: |pIa he| ↝ |pɛ| |pIa hiwi| ↝ |pәi| But these alternations are not valid where there is no possibility of the loss of juncture as in – |mɛ̃cәnga hɛ̃| ‘I am good’ Although conditions are the same as in |mɛ̃kәrẽda hã| yet the alternation does not occur. The similar situation is found in so-called passive constructions depending on the loss of juncture: |mɛ̃kItab p ṛi+ḥim| ↝ |mɛ̃ kItab pәṛim| i+h+i ↝ |i|
This may be noted that –m has been wrongly considered as personal ending. This is in fact the contracted form in rapid speech.
Grierson considers them as pronominal suffixes. “Lahandā shares with Kashmiri and Sindhī the use of pronominal suffixes.
In Kāshmīrī they are only attached to verbs while in Lahandā and Sindhĩ they are attached to both nouns and verbs.”
Grierson on Panjābī, p. 246. But in fact |mɛ̃ghәrәm| ‘I was in house’ is the contraction of
|mɛ̃ ghәrәm|.
There is no necessity to regard -m as a, personal ending.4
Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji considers such elements as personal terminations. “Western Panjabi and Sindhi kept up the old Passive
Construction, and yet added the personal terminations relating to the subject: e.g. Lahandi (W. Panjabi) kitãb parhĩ- m
‘I have read the book’ - lit. ‘the book (fem) she-was-red-by-ma’. Indo-Aryan and Hindi, p. 122. Gujarat Vernacular Society:
Ahmedabad, 1942.The writer is engaged in the transformational analysis of Lahanda verbs on the model of Marathi verbal sequences
analyzed by Franklin C. South worth, Language, 87, No. 2, 1961.
Adelung, J.C.,"Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mith dem Vater unsev in bey nahe funfaundert Sprachen und Mamdarten",
Berlin, 1806-1817, see pp. 196 and 2nd of vol. I for an account of Multani.
Bahl, K.C., "A Note on Tones in Western Punjabi Indian Linguistics", Bagchi Memorial volume, 1957, pp. 30-34.
Bahri, H.D., "Phonetics and Phonology of Awankari (Lahandi)", an unpublished thesis for the Degree of Ph.D., Oriental Faculty,
Lahore: University of the Panjab. 1948.
Bayer, T.S., "Historia Ragni Groscorum Bactriani Petropoli", 1738.
This is the first work by a European who recognizes the language spoken in Multān.
Boniford, T., "Rough notes on the grammar of the language spoken in the Western and Southern parts of the Panjab",
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XLVI, part I (1897), p. 186.
Burton, R.F., "A Grammar of the Jataki or Belochki Dialect". Journal of the Mumbai Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. III (1849, 0, pl).
Campbell, G., "Specimens of the Languages of India", including those of the Aboriginal Tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces
and the Eastern Frontier, Calcutta, 1871.
Fryer, F.W.R., "Final Report on the ... settlement of the Dera Ghazikhan District, in the Darejat Division", etc., Lahore, 1876,
Glossary, pp. vi-x.
Grierson, G.A., "Linguistic Survey of India", vol. VIII, part I, Grierson on Panjabi (The Photostat Print of the vol. VIII, part I and
vol. IX, part I relating to Lahandā and Panjabi of Linguistic Survey of India), Language Department, Panjab, Patiala, March 1961.
Hastings, E.G.G., "Report of the ..... Settlement of the Peshawar District of the Punjab", Lahore, 1878, appendix O. Glossary.
Jukes, A., "Dictionary of the Jakti or Western Panjabi Language", First edition, Lahore and London, 1900, Second edition, Western Punjabi and English Dictionary, Language Department, Patiala, 1961.
Leitner, "Collections of Specimens of Commercial and Other Alphabets and Handwritings as also of Multiplication cables current in
various parts of the Panjab, Sindh, and the Northwest Provinces", ‘Anjumen-i-Punjab’ Press, Lahore (no date).
Maclagan, E., "Notes on Western Panjabi", Lahore, 1900.
O’Brien, E., "Glossary of the Multani Languages, compared with Punjabi and Sindhi", Lahore, 1881.
"Glossary of the Multani Language or South western Panjabi" revised and rearranged by J. Wilson and Hari Kishan Kaul.
"Report on the ..... Settlement of the Muzaffargarh District", etc. Lahore, 1881.
O’Doyer, M.F., "Final Report on the .... Settlement of Gujranwala District", Lahore, 1891, appendix F, Glossary.
Prinsep, J., "Notes on A Grammar of the Sindhi Language", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. VI (1837), p. 387, Plate of Multani or Serai alphabet.
Pursev, W.E., "Report on the .... Land Revenue Settlement of the Montgomery District in the Multan Division of the Punjab", etc., Lahore 1878, appendix I, Glossary.
Robertson, E.A., "Final Report of the.... Settlement of the Rawalpindi District", Lahore, 1895, appendix 4, Agricultural Proverbs.
Rose, H.A., "Two Panjabi Love Songs in the Dialect of the Lahanda or Western Panjabi by Jindan "(with some notes by G.A. Grierson) Indian Antiquary, vol. XXXV (1906), p. 333.
Steedman, E.B., "Report on the ... Settlement of the Jhang District", Lahore 1882, appendix 6, Glossary, appendix 7, proverbs.
Thorburn, S.S., "Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Bannu District", etc., Lahore, 1879, p. 12, appendix 15, Glossary.
Thornton, T.H., "The Vernacular Literature and Folklore of Panjab", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1885.
Tiadall, W., "A Simplified Grammar and Reading Book of the Panjabi Language", London, 1889.
Wace, E.G., "Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Hazasra District of the Punjab", etc., Lahore, 1876, p. 74.
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Gazetteer of the Shahpur District, Lahore, 1897, p. 89.
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The noun stems may be simple, complex or compound. There are three grammatical categories of nouns e.g.
1. Gender 2. Number 3. Case
Gender is inherent. All nouns in this language are divided into two classes, masculine, and feminine. The only correlation is
syntactic. There are two numbers: singular and plural.
A large number of nouns are inflected for singular and plural both, whereas a few are inflected for one, or the other only.
There are nouns, which can be counted in numbers, but mass nouns can only be measured. Thus nouns can be classified into count nouns
and mass nouns e.g.
Pani ‘water’ lәu ‘blood’ Khir ‘milk’ are mass nouns.
There are four cases, e.g. nominative and oblique apply to all nouns. Vocative is used with a small number of animate nouns.
The ablative is used with a small number of nouns only in singular number.
The four forms of cases are distinguished by the following suffixes. E.G.
Masculine nouns.
Singular Plural 1. Nominative Mama ‘Mother’s brother’ Mame Chor ‘boy’ Chor 2.Oblique, the form used before Chor Chor Postposition mame mameã Chor Chorã 3. Vocative mame mameo 4. Ablative Chor Choro _____ _____ 1. Nom. ghәr ‘home’ ghәr 2. Oblique ghәr - ghәrã 3. Voc. ____ _____ 4. Ablative ghәrű _____ E.g. feminine nouns: Nom. Cher ‘girl’ Cherĩ Obl. Cher Cherĩ Voc. Cher CherIo Abl. ____ _____ Singular Plural Nom nű ‘daughter in law’ nũri Obl. nű nűri Voc. nű nűrIo Abl. __ ____ Nom. bã ‘arm’ bãi Obl. bã bãwã Voc. __ ____ Abl. __ ____ Nom. bhua ‘father’s sister’ bhuIã Obl. bhua bhuIã Voc. bhua bhuIo Abl. _____ _____
Nouns can be classified on the basis of plural suffixes added to the nominative nouns e.g. –a ending masculine nouns.
Singular Plural pәṭka pәṭke ‘turbans’ goḍa goḍe ‘knees’ Other than – a ending masculine nouns. kã kã ‘Crows’ khu khu ‘Wells’ Exception bhIra bhIra ‘brothers’ Feminine Nouns: Singular Plural Class I cher cherĩ ‘girls’ әkh әkhĩ ‘eyes’ Class II dhi dhiri ‘daughters’ nű nűri ‘daughter-in-laws’ Class III khui khuiã ‘small wells’ dhoti dhotiã ‘saris’ kәmiz kәmizã ‘shirts’ jәŋg jәŋgã ‘legs’
Feminine nouns can be derived by replacing suffixes to the masculine nouns. E.g.:
Masculine Meaning Feminine Mama ‘Maternal uncle’ mami ‘maternal uncle’s wife’ ghoṛa ‘horse’ ghoṛi ‘mare’ saĩ ‘master’ sɛṇ ‘mistress’ sәp ‘snake sәpṇi ‘female snake’ er ‘lion’ šeroni ‘lioness’ jeṭh ‘husband’s elder brother’ jeṭhaṇi ‘husband’s elder brother’s wife’ teli ‘oil man’ telәṇ ‘oil women’ Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to objective stems. E.g. Adjective ‘Meaning’ Noun ‘Meaning’ Pap ‘sin’ papi ‘sinner’ šukar ‘rich’ šukari ‘richness’ kәsur ‘default’ kәsurwar ‘defaulter’ saf ‘clean’ sәfai ‘cleanliness’ mIṭha ‘sweet’ mIthai ‘sweetest’ Conditional infinities usually functions as nouns. E.g., sәmәṇ ‘to sleep’ khawәṇ ‘to eat’
Compound nouns can be derived by repeating the first word except that in the second item the first letter is replaced by e.g.
ghuthi šuthi ‘small bag’ etc. khir šir ‘milk’ etc paṇi šani ‘water’ etc
Pronouns are syntactically definable as a class of forms substitutable for nouns. They share the same features as nouns by
entering into construction with inflections for gender, number and case, but they are distinguished from nouns by having a
category of persons and they do not have inherent gender like nouns.
Pronouns have varying forms according to case and number.
The final resulting forms of the pronouns are as follows.
Singular Plural Nominative mɛ̃, tũ, o, e әsã, tusã, o, e. Oblique: mɛkũ, kɛkũ, ukũ әsakũ, / sɛkũ tuakũ, ukũ ikũ mɛḍe, tɛḍe, ũde saḍe, tuaḍe, unade ĩde
Pronouns are classified into two types. Accordingly the first and second person pronouns belong to class I and the other
pronouns fall under class II.
Pronouns have a category of number and there are two numbers, singular and plural.
The first and second person pronouns have plural suffix - sãin the nominative.
The other pronouns have - ø - suffix in the nominative. The Ist and IInd person pronouns belong to class I and rest
to the class II.
In the oblique, all the pronouns have -a as the plural marker occurring after the pronominal roots. In the first person
there are two freely varying forms in plural, where respect is shown, the plural forms are used as honorific singular forms. E.g.
Singular Plural Nom. Ist person mɛ̃ ‘I’ әsã ‘we’ IInd person tũ ‘you’ tusã ‘you’ IIIrd person o ‘he, she that, o ‘they, those’ remote Proximate e ‘he/she, this, e ‘they, these’ Oblique. Ist person mɛḍe ‘my’ әsaḍe/sɛḍe ‘our’ IInd person tɛḍe ‘your’ tuaḍe ‘your’ IIIrd person unde/ũde ‘his/her’ unade/ ũde ‘their’ remote Proximate inde/ĩde ‘his/her’ Inade/Inade ‘their’ There are three cases: 1. Nominative 2. Oblique 3. Possessive. Examples Singular Plural Nom. mɛ̃ әsã Obl. mɛḍe asaḍe/sɛḍe Poss. Masculine mɛḍa/saḍa mɛḍe Feminine mɛḍi mɛḍIã Saḍi SaḍIã
Class II has the following sub classes: Demonstrative, Interrogative,Relative and Reflexive.
Demonstratives (including IIIrd persons) are of two kinds: Remote, Proximate.
Remote o Proximate e Singular Plural Nom. o / e o / e Oblique ukũ/ ikũ/ ĩ unakũ / Inakũ unde / ũde unade / Inade inde / ĩde Possessive unda / ũda unada / Inada. Interrogative pronouns / Koì/ and /ke/ Koṇ has references to human indicating nouns. While ke refers non-human indicating nouns. Examples Singular Plural Nom. koì ‘who’ koì ‘who’ Obl. kɛkũ / kɛ̃ kInakũ / kInã KInade Poss. kɛnde / kɛ̃de kɛnda / kɛ̃da KInada. Ke ‘what’ Relative pronoun has the resulting paradigm as follows. Jo ‘who’ Singular Plural Nom. jo jo Oblique jɛkũ jInakũ jɛ̃ jInã jɛnde / jɛ̃de jInade Poss. jɛnda / jɛ̃da jInada
ap. is reflexive pronoun, which has reference to Ist, IInd, and IIIrd person pronouns e.g.
Singular Plural Nom. ap ap Obl. apìe apìe Poss. әpìa әpìe
In the verbal forms of Lahandā the initial unit is always a verb stem. Verb stems in this language are either simple, derived or compound. Simple forms are always monomorphemic forms. They are verb roots. E.g.
a - ‘to come’ akh - ‘to say’ әṭәk - ‘to delay’ әla - ‘to talk’ kha - ‘to eat’ ca - ‘to carry’ ḍe - ‘to give’ ḍekh - ‘to see’ ghIn - ‘to take’ pәṭh - ‘to send’ pәrn - ‘to get married’ kәma - ‘to earn’ pәkәṛ - ‘to catch’.
Derived stems are those verbal stems, which are formed by adding different stem forming suffixes to the roots.
Verb stems may be divided into two classes I strong stems,II week stems. E.g.
Class I joṛ ‘to repair’ juṛ -wa- ‘cause to get repair’ Kha ‘to eat’ khәwa ‘to feed’ Si ‘to sew’ sI wa- ‘to get sews’ Class II pәṛ ‘to read’ pәṛ wa ‘cause to get read’ uḍ ‘to fly’ uḍa ‘cause to fly’
In a number of cases, an intransitive verb has a corresponding transitive stem formed by vowel alternation (which is usually called ablaut), which involved both qualitative and quantitative change of vowels. These transitivized stems can further be derived into causative stems by adding causal suffixes. E.g.
Intransitive Transitive mәr - ‘to die’ mar - to kill sәṛ - ‘to burn’ saṛ - ‘to burn some one or some thing’ ruk - ‘to stop’ rok - ‘to stop some one’ The only exception is pi ‘to drink’, which has - la instead of - wa as causative. Pi ‘to drink’ PIla ‘to get drink’ There is a class of consonant ending roots, which has two forms. Pәṛ - ‘to read’ Pәṛa - to get ‘read’ pәṛwa - ‘cause to get read’ LIkh - ‘to write’ lIkha – to get ‘written’ lIkhwa - ‘cause to get written’ There is a class of consonant ending root, which has one causative form. khol - ‘to open’ khulwa ‘to get to open’ gol - ‘to find’ gul wa ‘to get found’ sәd - ‘to call’ sәd wa ‘to get called’
Passive stems are developed from transitive verb roots by suffixing - wij / - ij to the vowel ending or consonant ending roots respectively. They occur as first member of a compound verb. Construction with post stem of the verb wәũ - ‘logo’ as the second member.
Examples: Si - SI wij ‘to be sewn’ dho - dhu wij ‘to be washed’ pa - pәwij ‘to be put on’ kәp - kәpij ‘to be cut’ pәrn - pәrnij ‘to be married’ kәmiz - sIwij gәi he ‘the shirt has been sewn’ chor - pәrnij gɛ ‘the boy has been got married’ Compound verbs: Compound verbs can be divided into two main classes: 1. Double verb. 2. Conjunct verb.
Double verb is two one word verb lexical item behaving as single grammatical unit and occurring in a fixed order without
the possibility of separation by any other element except negative or emphatic particles.
The second form is inflected. The form of the root may be same in both the words e.g.
ghIn ghIn ‘take’ ḍe ḍe ‘give’
The form of the root of the second word may be rhyming form of first occurring only in collocation with first (verb) lexical item within the main past of the verbal phrase, e.g.
mar mur ‘kill’ mãj mũj ‘clean’ The form of the root may be different in each of the two words. E.g. Compound root: bɛ wәñ ‘sit down’ ghIn a ‘bring’ sәṭ ghәt ‘throw down’ bhәj wәñ ‘run away’ Suffixed forms: khada pita khada na pita ‘without eating’ dhãta dhũta dhãta na dhũta ‘without bathing’
Conjunct verb contains two one-word forms, the components of which are classifiable at the lexical level as noun lexical item and verb lexical item. The noun lexical item remains uninflected and is regarded as a component of the verb. E.g.
dan dewәṇa ‘to give charity’ sәla dewәṇa ‘to advise’ bәdla ghInṇa ‘to avenge’ gusa thiwәṇa ‘to be angry’ The function of ho (‘existence, to be, presence’) and ‘to be’ is quite different in this language. E.g. bhәla thiwi ‘may god bless you’ kәm thiwi ‘let your work be done’ mɛḍa kәm thi gɛ ‘my work has been done’ pәrsũ karsi thisi ‘There will be fast day after tomorrow’ But mɛ ghәr hosã ‘I will be home’ O Itthaĩ hosi ‘he will be here’ Present participle forms are formed by adding -nda, -da, ẽda -, enda - a - ‘to come’ anda ãda dhã - ‘to bathe’ dhãda dho - ‘to wash’ dhõda ḍe - ‘to give’ dẽda mәr - ‘to die’ mәr + da mәrda akh - ‘to say’ a + da ada ḍekh - ‘to see’ ḍe + da ḍeda pәṛ - ‘to read’ pәṛ + da pәṛda khol - ‘to open’ khulẽda khulẽda ḍәs - ‘to tell’ ḍәsẽda mar - ‘to kill’ mәrẽda
Further these forms are inflected for gender and number and agree with the subject in both the categories. E.g.
Singular Plural masc. khãda khãde fem. khãdi khãdIã
This stem is formed by adding - winda and - inda to the roots ending in vowels and consonants respectively. It is further inflected for number. E.g.
kәr - ‘to do’ kәrĩda pәrn - ‘to marry’ pәrnĩda dhã - ‘to bathe’ dhәwĩda
This is formed by suffixing one of the following allomorphs of the past participle to the verb stems and further it is inflected for gender and number. Allomorphs of the verb roots entering into construction with past participle suffix cannot be stated in any regular way except by listing them. Of all these lexically conditioned allomorphs, - Iya is the most productive. The allomorphs are as follows.
/ -Iya œ - t œ - d œ - dh œ - th œ - tḥ œ - ṇ/ Examples: pәṛ - pәṛIya ‘read’ dәs - ḍәsIya ‘told’ ḍe - ḍIta ‘gave’ ḍhã - ḍhãta ‘bathed’ kәr - kita ‘did’ kәma - kәmata ‘earned’ kha - khada ‘ate’ ghIn - ghIda ‘took’ bәn - bәddha ‘binded’ lәbh - lәdha ‘fannal’ lɛ - lәtha ‘descended’ ḍhɛ - ḍhәṭha ‘fell down’ ḍekh - ḍItḥa ‘saw’ bɛ - bɛṭha ‘sit’ ro - runa ‘wept’ The following form their past in unique pattern – wәŋ - ‘to go’ gIa ‘went’ mәr - ‘to die’ moya ‘died’ a - ‘to come’ aya ‘came’ akh - ‘to say’ akhya ‘said’
The past participle form is further inflected for gender and number according to the concordance with the subject or object. E.g.
Singular Plural Masc. kita kite aya aye gIa gɛ khIdya khIle Singular Plural Fem. kiti kitIã ai aiã gәi gәIã khIli KhIlIã
/ -әs / or/ - os / is added to the past participle stem of the main verb when the subject is the third person and its object is followed by /-kũ/ postposition. E.g.
kitos Unã kũ Kәṭha kitos ‘He collected them’ akhyos Unã kũ akhyos. ‘He said to them’ kiṭs Kitab kũ ke kiṭs ‘What did he do to the book?’ akhyәs tɛkũ ke akhyәs ‘What did he say to you?’ -os is honorific singular form also.
/- om/ and /- ose/ are added to the past participle stem of the main verb to indicate Ist person singular and plural (also singular honorific) subjects respectively e.g.
gIom ‘I went’ gIose ‘We went’
The simple infinitive is formed by adding /-ṇa / /-әṇa/ to verb stems respectively in a consonant and vowel ending words respectively.
Examples: kәrna ‘to do’ ghInṇa ‘to take’ dekhṇa ‘to see’ wәñṇa ‘to go’ a - awәṇa ‘to come’ kha - khawәṇa ‘to eat’ khәwa - khәwawәṇa ‘to get eaten’
The conditional infinitive is formed by adding /-әṇ/ and /- wәṇ/ to the consonant ending and vowel ending stems of the verb respectively e.g.
lIkh - lIkhәṇ ‘to write’ pәṛ - pәṛәṇ 'to read’ wәñ - wәñәṇ ‘to go’ a - awñṇ ‘to come’ ḍe - dewәṇ ‘to give’ ḍIwa - dIwawәṇ ‘to cause to be given’ lәha - lәhawәṇ ‘to bring down’ Conjugation: Hortative Inflections: Verb stems are inflected to develop hortative conjugation. Hortative is inflected for person and number. Kha - ‘to eat’ Singular Plural Ist person kha wã kha ũ IInd person kha wẽ kha o IIInd person kha we kha wәn kәp - ‘to cut’ Ist person kәpã kәpũ IInd person kәpẽ kәpo IIInd person kәpe kәpәn When the action is desiderative or benefactory - i is added e.g. bhәla thiwi ‘may god bless you!’ jәr lәgi rawi ‘May your root remain for ever!’ dhәn kɛm rawi ‘May your wealth remain for ever!’ Imperative is inflected only for number . E.g. Singular Plural IInd person kha ‘eat’ khao kәp ‘cut’ kәpo wәñ ‘go’ wәño Imperative formal or polite / honorific. Singular Plural IInd person Khawĩ Khәwae ‘please eat etc’. wәñĩ wәñae awĩ awae
To the imperative forms of the verb the suffixes /-әs/, /-es/ and /-os/ singular and plural respectively are added when the action denoted by the verb has reference to the third person. It also implies emphasis. E.g.
Singular Plural ghInәs ‘You (Sg.) take from her/them’ ghInos ‘You take from him/him/her/them’. cawәs ‘Carry him (etc.) ca os ‘Carry him’ (etc.) wәñәs ‘go with him(etc.) wәños ‘go with him’ (etc.) pәṛwa-wәs ‘get him taught’ (etc) pәṛwa os ‘get him/taught him’(etc.) pәṛwes pәṛawəs pәṛes ‘teach him’ (etc). pәṛa os ‘teach him’ (etc.) khәwa wәs‘you feed him’ (etc). khәwa os ‘you feed him (etc.) With causal stems / - әs / and / - os / form freely varying alternants.
The optative is formed by adding /- ida / to the verb stems. It is inflected for gender and number categories. The only verb exhibiting its form is /ca/.
Singular Plural Masculine caida caide Feminine caidi caidIã
The future tense is formed by adding - s to the intransitive verbs and vowel ending transitive verbs and - es in consonant ending transitive verbs. The form is then followed by person + number endings. E.g.
Intransitive verb roots. Future: - a ‘to come’ Singular Plural Ist person a - s - ã ‘I will come’ a - s - ű ‘We will come’ IInd person a - s - ẽ ‘You will come’ a - s - o ‘You will come’ IIIrd person a - s - i ‘he/she will come’ a - s - әn ‘They will come’ ho - ‘to be’ Singular Plural Ist person hosã ‘I will be’ hosű ‘We will be’ IInd person hosẽ ‘You will be’ hoso ‘you will be’ IIIrd person hosi ‘he/she will be’ hosәn ‘they will be’ Consonant ending Transitive verb roots : kәr - ‘to do’ Singular Plural Ist person kәresã ‘I will do’ kűresű ‘We will do’ IInd person kәresẽ ‘You will do’ kәreso ‘You will do’ IIIrd person kәresi ‘he/she will do’ kәresәn ‘They will do’. Causative verb stem: khәwa - ‘Cause to get eaten / to feed some one. Singular Plural Ist person khәwesã khәwesű IInd person khәwesẽ khәweso IIIrd person khәwesi khәw esәn
When the addressee is second person / - a / or / - i / is added after the third person future forms singular and plural respectively and it implies emphasis also.
Examples: roti koṇ khәwesi - a ‘Who will feed you?’ bhãḍe ḍhɛ posәni ‘The Utensils will fall down’ ‘Addressing to the IInd person for caution sake’
/ - әs / and / - os / is added when IIIrd person is the subject of intransitive verb and the object of transitive verb, it is expressed by - əs and - os in singular and plural respectively, the latter being used for singular honorific also.
Examples: ma mәre sәs ‘Mother will beat him’ ma mәr sәs tã ‘When her / his mother will die, then he/ sukh pãsi she will acquire happiness. tű khawesәs ‘You will feed him / her.’ tusã khәwe sos ‘You will feed him / her / them’.
There are two sets of verbal auxiliaries, inflected for person and number. There is no distinction for gender.
Set I Imperfective Positive Singular Plural Ist person hā ‘am’ hɛ̃ ‘are’ IInd person hẽ ‘are’ ho / hiwe ‘are’ IIIrd person he ‘is’ hIn ‘are’ Negative Ist person na hã - nã na hɛ̃ - nɛ̃ IInd person na hẽ - nẽ na hIwe - nIwe IIIrd person nәI he - nәI na hIn - nIn Set II Perfective Positive Ist person hәm ‘was’ hase ‘were’ IInd person nawẽ ‘were’ hawe ‘were’ IIIrd person hai ‘was’ hәn ‘were’ Negative Ist person nәm nase IInd person nawẽ nawe IIIrd person nai nәn
There are two other sets of auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. They also indicate the categories of person and number.
Set I Imperfective Positive Singular Plural Ist person hIm hIse IInd person hIwi / hIni hIwe / hIne IIIrd person hIs hIne Negative Ist person nIm nIse IInd person nIwi nIwe IIIrd person nIn nine Set II Ist person hәm hase IInd person hawi / hani hawe / hane IIIrd person hәs hane Negative Ist person nәm nase IInd person nawi nawe IIIrd person nәs nane
Adjective stems in Lahandā may be simple, derived and compound. There are three grammatical categories in adjectives. E.g.
2. Gender 3. Number 4. Case
Adjectives are characterized by their inflections for masculine and feminine i.e. One class of adjectives ending in - a have masculine and feminine pairs but there are several adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction and gender forming suffixes are not added. There are two numbers.
1. Singular 2. Plural.
Adjectives, which are characterized by their inflections for masculine and feminine respectively, show inflected forms for two numbers. All those adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction are neutral to number distinction also.
There are two cases. I. Nominative II. Oblique.
The suffixes represent both case and number; they are segmentable for the two categories separately. E.g.
Singular Meaning Plural Meaning. Masc.Noun Nom. Kala ghoṛa ‘black horse’ Kaleghoṛe ‘black horses’ Obl. Kale ghoṛe kű ‘to the black horse’ Kale ghoreã kű ‘to the black horses’ Nom. cәŋŋa chor ‘good boy’ cәŋŋe chor ‘good boys’ Obl. cәŋŋe chor kű ‘to the good boy' cәŋŋe chorã kű ‘to the good boys’ Fem.Noun.Nom. cәŋŋI cher ‘good girl’ cәŋŋIã cheri ‘good girls’ Obl. cәŋŋi cher kű ‘to the good boy’ cәŋŋIã cheri kű ‘to the good girls’
All other adjectives have the same form constantly whatever the gender, number and case may be e.g.
sәfed ‘white’ gulabi ‘pink’ sәmәjdar ‘wise’
According to the agreement in gender with the following noun, one class of adjective shows different forms according to the two genders.
The other class has the same form whatever the gender of the noun maybe e.g. Class I Masculine Feminine Meaning buḍha buḍhi ‘old’ mәndra mәndri ‘short’ bhɛṛa bhɛṛi ‘bad’ Class II gulabi gulabi ‘pink’ udas udas ‘sad’ khu khu ‘happy’ khali khali ‘vacant’
The - i ending adjectives in class II are derived forms. So they do not have the gender distinction.
With those adjectives, which have distinction for gender, the plural suffixes are added to the singular adjectives in nominative case. So these can be sub classed in to two classes for masculine and feminine forms. E.g.
Masc. Singular Plural Meaning buḍha buḍhe ‘old’ cәŋŋa cәŋŋe ‘good’ Fem. cәŋŋi cәŋŋIã ‘good’ bhɛṛi bhɛṛIã ‘bad’ pili pilIã ‘yellow’
Adjectives are formed from different stem classes by adding derivational suffixes.
Feminine adjectives can be derived by adding feminine forming suffix - i to the masculine adjective stems e.g.
Masculine Feminine Meaning cәŋŋa cәŋŋi ‘good’ phIka PhIki ‘fadded’ CIṭṭa CIṭṭI ‘white’
Masculine and feminine forming suffixes - a, - i respectively are added to nouns to form adjectives. E.g.
Noun Meaning Masc. adjective Fem. adjective Meaning gәnd ‘dirt’ gәnda gәndi ‘dirty’ mɛl ‘dirt’ mɛla mɛli ‘dirty’ kuṛ ‘lie’ kuṛa kuṛi ‘liar’ Adjectives are derived from noun root by adjective forming suffix - i e.g. Noun Meaning Adjective ‘Meaning’ dag ‘spot’ dagi ‘spotty’ kimәt ‘price’ kimti ‘expensive’
Numerals form a sub-class of adjective and belong to the IInd class of adjectives, which have the same form whatever the gender of the noun.
On the basis of their internal structure and cardinal numerals in Lahandā can be grouped into two classes.
1. Simple Cardinal numerals.
2. Complex which are all compounds.
The simple numerals are monomorphemic forms and they are limited in the language. They are further subdivided in two classes as basic and nodes.
The basic numeral forms reflecting to numbers one to nine always occur as attributes in derived numeral forms whereas the nodes ten, hundred, thousand, lakh etc occur as head of the derived numeral construction. They form the head or nucleus of multiplicative and additives.
The basic numerals 1 to 9 always occur as first members of the derived numeral construction referring to any number below hundred. They are prefixed in the construction. They occur as preceding qualifiers to their nuclei (numerals) so, ‘hundred’, hәzar ‘thousand’, lәkh ‘lakh’ etc.
Basic numerals Nodes hIk ‘one’ ḍa ‘ten’ ḍu ‘two’ So ‘hundred’ trɛ ‘three’ hәzar ‘thousand’ car ‘four’ lәkh ‘lakh’ pәñ ‘five’ kәṛor ‘ten million’ chĩ ‘six’ sәt ‘seven’ әth ‘eight’ nau ‘nine’
The derived cardinal numerals are those numeral formations, which are developed in various ways from the basic numerals, and they are from biomorphemic to poly-morphemic in their structure. The constructions, which are derived from the above basic numerals, represent the semantic categories of adjectives, - multiplicatives and combinations of both of these e.g.
Coḍa ‘fourteen’ Cali ‘forty’ Curtali ‘forty four’
Cardinal numerals are formed by suffixing the ordinal suffix to cardinal numerals. These ordinal numerals belong to class I adjectives unlike cardinal numerals. The ordinals are inflected for gender and oblique case. They agree in gender and case with the nouns, which they modify.
The ordinal numeral Pɛla for ‘first’ is a suppletion form suppleting both the cardinal numeral and the ordinal suffix. For ‘Second’ and ‘third’ - j is added to the cardinal numeral.
ḍuja ‘Second’ (masc.) trija ‘third’ (masc.) - th is added to the ordinal numeral for ‘four chotha ‘fourth (masc.) and - w - is added elsewhere. pәñwa ‘fifth’ chĩwa ‘sixth’ sәtwa ‘seventh’ әṭhwa ‘eighth’
Adverbs are not inflected like nouns and adjectives. There is an overlapping of adjectives and adverbs but their distinction from adjectives is quite clear because of their indeclinability. Some of the adverbs are as follows:
Adverbs of Time: Sәbaĩ ‘tomorrow’ kәlәthű ‘day before yesterday’ kәl ‘yesterday’ әj ‘today’ huṇ ‘now’ tәḍәṇ ‘then’ tã ‘then’ kәḍaĩ ‘same time’ kәḍәṇ ‘when’ jәḍヽṇ ‘when’ wәl- ‘again’ sәwere ‘in the morning’ roz ‘daily’ pIche ‘after’ bad wIc ‘later on’ huṇ tori ‘as yet’ әje tәk ‘as yet, still’ rati ‘in the night’ ḍihari ‘in the day’ Adverbs of place: Itthdaĩ ‘here’ Itthã ‘here’ Utthã ‘there’ Utthaĩ ‘there’ kItthã ‘where’ jIttha ‘where’ tәlle ‘below’ utte ‘above, on’ Adverbs of Direction: Inte ‘this side’ Unte ‘that side’ KInte ‘which side’ keṛe pase ‘which direction’ ĩ pase ‘this side’ ű pase ‘that side’ Innű ‘from here’ Unnű ‘from there’ Adverbs of manner: iwẽ ‘thus, as, this way’ uwẽ ‘so, that way’ kiwẽ ‘how?’ jIwẽ ‘as’ tIkkhe tIkkhe ‘quickly’ hole hole ‘slowly’ ubale ubale ‘hurriedly’ mәte / mәtәṇ ‘perhaps’ na ‘not, no’ nәI ‘no’ The adverbs of place are made emphatic by adding - ĩ e.g. Itthã + ĩ Itthãĩ ‘in this very place’ Utthã + ĩ Utthaĩ ‘in that very place’
Adverbs are not always marked by any suffixes, but the following stem forming suffixes are identifiable.
- e Wela ‘time’ ũ wele ‘at that time’ Ubal ‘hurry’ ubale ubale ‘hurriedly’ sәwera ‘morning’ sәwere ‘in the morning’ - i rat ‘right’ rati ‘in the night’ ḍIhara ‘day’ ḍIhari ‘in the day’ sәc ‘true’ sәci ‘truly’
These give an appearance of locative suffix but because the locative is not a marked case category in this language these have been included in the adverbs. It may be noted that there is reduplication in tikkhe tIkkhe etc.
Postpositions occur after the oblique form of the noun and pronoun. These can be distributionally classified into three types.
1. da ‘of ‘ is inflected for gender, number and case and agrees with the following noun. E.g.
Masculine Feminine Singular noun da di Obli de di Plural noun de dIã Obl. de / deã de / dIã ram da bhIra ‘Ram’s brother’ ram di bheṇ ‘Ram’s sister’ ram de bhIra kű ‘to Ram’s brother’ ram di bheṇ kű ‘to Ram’s sister’ ram de bhIra ‘Ram’s brothers’ ram diã bheṇi ‘Ram’s sisters’ ram de bhI rawṇ kű ‘to Ram’s brothers’ ram diã bheṇĩ kű ‘to Ram’s sisters’ Post position kű, kű, and kolű follow the noun and show no inflection. kű ‘to’ tű ‘from’ (Occurs with inanimate nouns) kolű ‘from’ (Occur with animate nouns)
kũ postposition and / ˜ / nasalization as agentive marker occur with oblique pronouns and kolũ occurs after pronoun as oblique where all other postpositions can occur. E.g.
kɛkű ‘to you’ tɛ̃ ‘you’ tɛḍe kolű ‘from you’ tɛḍe nal ‘with you’ mɛḍe nal ‘with me’
There are a number of post positions which follow a noun or a noun plus de. The occurrence of de is optional in many cases. Some of these postpositions are further inflected for ablative case like nouns in ablative singular and they function like nouns.
Post positions Forms in Ablative case wic ‘in’ wIcű ‘from inside’ kol ‘with, in possession kolű ‘from near’ of near’ nal ‘with, close to near’ nalű ‘from near’ tәlle ‘below’ tәllű ‘from below’ bar ‘out side’ barũ ‘from outside’ utte ‘on, up’ uttũ ‘from above’ ǝ̃dәr ‘in side’ ǝ̃ndrű ‘from inside’ pIche ‘after’ pIchű ‘from behind’ әgge ‘in front of’ әggű ‘from before’ pase ‘towards’ pasű ‘from the direction of ‘ xatәr ‘for the sake of ‘ Examples: әhemari de wIc әhemari wIc ‘in the Almirah’ raje kol ‘in the possession of the king’ mez de utte mez utte ‘on the table’
Conjunctions function as connectives and are indeclinable. Some of the conjunctions are as follows:
te ‘and’ je ‘if’ әgәr ‘if’ tã ‘then’ ya ‘or’ ya - ya ‘either ---- or’ bhawẽ - tã ‘either ---- or’ hIke - hIke ‘either ---- or’ na - na ‘neither ---- nor’ pәr ‘but’ lekin ‘but’ jәḍәṇ - tәḍәṇ ‘when ---- then’ jeṛe wele - usse wele ‘when ---- then’ mәtәṇ ‘lest’
Interjections are words that carry sentence intonation and constitute complete utterance. Some of the interjections are as follows:
šabaš ‘bravo!’ hae ‘ah!’ he bhәgwan ‘ah god! ‘o true god!’ hɛ̃ ‘surprise!’ In calling to a person the interjection ‘oh!’ Varies according to the person addressed. wәṇ ‘oh!’ Informal address to a female’ we ‘oh!’ (Informal address to a younger man) O saĩji ‘oh!’ (Formal address to a male)
Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be segmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance in thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:
(a) I roti Khadi I nis ‘he/ she has non eaten food’. (b) Wi ḍal WI pәi he ‘The pulse is also lying’ (c) jo o jo aya hai ‘He had came’ (d) tã mɛ tã na wɛsã ‘I will not go’ (e) sәi o wәñe tã sãi ‘let him / her go first’ (f) thoṛa mɛ̃ thoṛa akhe ‘I did not say, did I ?’ (g) na tű roṭi khadie na ‘You have eaten the food.’ tɛḍe khuã dee awe alã tɛḍo khuã dẽ cәkə̄ϒ lal we bәna ṭ ḍe khuã de dala jiwõ we bə̄na lәkh tiwẽ we bәna tɛḍeã bẽliã de awe aĩã tɛḍe belIãdẽ pәṭke lal we bәna tɛḍe belIã tɛḍIã ḍã bheṇi dẽ awe aϒa data ------- we bena lokh thab we bore wḍϒa jiwẽ wo bena lokh thẽ we bone wḍϒa bhufã do swe efa t&$949ḍIã bheṇI de әjәb sŋgar we bәna tɛḍIã bheṇi s̀ala jiwẽ we bәna lәkh tiwẽ we bәna tɛḍIã bhuIã de awe we bәna tɛḍIã bhuIã de suwe nil lal we bәna s̀ala jiwe we bәna lәkh tiwẽ we bәna tɛḍIã bhIrawã de awe aĩa tɛḍeã bhIrawã de hәth rumal we bәna tɛḍeã caceã de awe aIã tɛḍeã caceã de pәṭke ni lal we әna tɛḍea caceã de dala jiwẽwe bәna lǝ̃kh tiwẽ we bona
This is a folk song, sung by ladies on the occasion of the bridegroom's marriage ceremony.
We have come at your well,
which has red coloured wheels. You may be blessed with long life. We have come to your friends who are wearing red turbans.
We had gone to your sisters who are wearing coloured dresses and ornaments you may be blessed with long life.
We have come to your father’s sisters who are wearing red colored dupates (head sheets) we have come before your brothers
who have coloured handkerchiefs in their hands. We have come before your uncles who are wearing red turbans which is symbol of
happiness. You may live a long life.
kyũ tIrImIya koṭha kyũ tIrImIya Iso koṭhe di chhәt e puraṇi koṭha saḍa iwñ tIrImIya kyũ nIwIya balul kyũ nIwIya Ise babul di dhi w kuwari babul saḍa iwẽ nIwIya kyũ tIrImIya koṭha kyũ tIrImIya Ise koṭhe di chhot e puraṇi koṭha saḍa iwẽ nIwIya kyũ nIwIya wiṛn kyũ nIwIya Ise wiṛndi bheṇ kuwari wiṛn saḍa iwẽ IwIya kyũ tIrImIya koṭha saḍa kyũ tIrImIya Ise koṭhe di chәt o puraṇi koṭha saḍa iwẽ tIrImIya Kyũ nIwIya mama saḍa kyũ nIwIya Ise mame bhәṇoji ktuamri mama saḍa iwẽ nIwIya
It is a folk songs, sung on the occasion of bride’s marriage ceremony , showing how all the -------- relative of the
bride have to bow before the in- laws of the bride.
The bride is daughter of the father, sister of the brother, neice to the uncles, so that all have to be humble while giving
away the bride to the bridegroom. The symbolic use of the torn “leakage of the roof ” stands for their humanity in spite of their
high status.
әlәr aya mɛḍe mәn bhaya әchra sәgәṇ mәnaIya Ise lef de õdor ni koṇ koṇ aUtra ni mɛ̃ cothra gopi cәnd ni wәni wәna sutra ni trijra ram rәlaIya Ise loŋg de õor ni logã diã purIã ni logõ di di mušәk ni mušәk reṇḍepṇre de ai ni mušәk mɛ̃ roṇḍepәre de ai puši tɛḍe pes bue cәmba tir khәrã wәḍe jhol bhәrã ni cәkor bhәrã sukhe lәdhe di sejhe utte pawã ni mɛ̃ morã wәne di sejhe Utte pawã
It is a folk song, sung by an elder lady (may be grandmother) on the occasion of the marriage ceremony of her grandson.
To me it is an augury of a happy occasion under this quilt slept my son and daughter-in-law and with the blessing of god a child
was born. This happy occasion reminds me of my own happy days.
There are chameli flower in our house, I will fill my jhol and baskets with these flowers and will decorate the bedding of the young
bridegroom, who is very dear and precious to me.
aye hәrIya ni bheṇ hәrIyn hәrIya taã bhage bhәrIya ni h&31241rIya hәrIa ni mae hәrIa ni jIs ḍIhare mɛḍa hәrIya pәṭwIlәtIya Kuehәr mɛIIya Inã daĩa te maIã Kya kuj ḍesã tɛḍIã daIã te maIã ni pǝ̃n rIpIye tɛḍIã daIã te maIã sucra tɛrewәr lale diã bheṇĩ ni jIs ḍIhare heәrIya pәṭ wIIeṭIya
This is a folk song, sung at wrapping ceremony of the newly born rule child. Addressing the child, it is stated that
occasion was an auspicious one when the child took birth when a child is wrapped up in new piece of cloth
and the nurses and maids took him in their lap.
what should I offer to the nurses and maids and what
should I offer to the husband’s sisters, I will offer Rupee five each to the nurses and maids and I will offer
a silken suit to the husband’s sisters.
ni tar kәrẽḍn pũja ni põ roti ni põ rәti tɛḍi põ tã põger rәti coleã wallo ma sɛ̃da sIŋgarIe ma ḍati da lal rәtra coIlle ḍati dẽ mihәr da jhola ḍati ḍe mihәr diã bhaĩ of tã pәlo na chUrәesãi mɛ̃ ḍa bal bәcẽsi saĩ ḍati da oawәra mәIa da sawәra kәrela tɛḍe sәnt kerẽdan mela tɛḍe sadh kerẽdẽn mẽla nәni kar kәrẽḍn mela ni põ rәti ni põ rәti tɛḍi põ tã põgәr rәti coleã walje ma sәda sIŋgarIe ma ḍati da lal rәtra cola ḍati ḍa mihәr da jhala ḍati ḍa miәher diã bhan mɛ̃ tã pәlo na churәesãĩ mɛḍa bal bocesi saĩ ḍati da sawәra mәIa da sawәra wәtaũ khIrki khel ke ẽder aõ khIrki ca ke bua caũ ni põ rәti ni põ rәti tɛḍi põ tã põgәr rәti coleã wallemā sәda sIŋgrIe ma sәda sIŋgarIa ma dәati da lal rәtra coIa ḍati ḍi mihәr da jhola dәati ḍi mihәr diã bhaĩ mɛ̃tã pәlo na chUresaĩ mɛḍa bal bәcesi saĩ ḍati da sawәra mәIa da sawәra hIndwaṇa tɛḍa sәnt korẽḍn maṇa tɛḍo sadh korẽḍn manәa nәni kar kәrẽden maṇa ni põ rәti ni põ rәti tɛḍi põ tã põgәr rәti coleã walIe ma sәda sIŋgarIa ma ḍati da lal rәtra cola ḍati ḍa mihәr da jhola ḍati ḍa mihәr dia bhaĩ mɛ̃ tã pәlo na chUrәsãĩ mәḍa bal bәcesĩ saĩ
This is a folk song sung at the occasion of puja before Goddess Mata Rani. The person infected with small pox or measles is brought
in a form of procession before the Goddess and in her praise a song is sung.
We worship you the Goddess who is clad in red colored wail. This wail was dyed in red color by dyer. You have different dresses
and always decorated with them. You have red colored shirts. We seek your blessings kindly send us waves of love and affection.
I will not leave you, you will protect my child.
Please bestow me with greenery (kәrela). All the saints, Sadhus and other followers get together to worship you.
Please bless me with green brinjals (which is symbol of abundance) I must come to your presence whether the doors or windows are opened or not.
Please bestow me with green watermelon (which is symbol of coolness) at the saints, sadhus and other followers worship you in all
respects. Please protect my child. I will not leave you.
khoṭ he tẹ pIchaweṛe kIr kIr kәrẽn ḍoke sәs pUche nәnaṇ kolũ nũ kiã saṛ rәtoke na pUch sәse te na pUch nәnaṇe na pUche ara para mɛḍe dll da jaṇi bɛr sIdha ya mɛ̃ tã kәḍhedi hã da saṛa wɛ̃de pɛ we na wәño kItthaĩ roṭi te kәpra we jiwәṇ jogo we rәb ḍesi Ithaĩ wɛ̃de wi pɛ we tUaḍe mũḍe tulwar he sombәl ke maro we cuṛe wali kUwar he
In these lines mother-in-law enquires from her daughter about the sad mood in which the daughter-in-law replies to her sister –in-law
that there is no need to enquire about my mental state nor I would wish that even the neighbors should enquire. Actually I am having
sighs of grief due to separation from my husband and I am pining for him.
This is a couplet routed at the time of parting of the husband and his wife when he is going in search of employment in some other town. The wife requests her husband not to go away.
She says, God will provide us with a living here itself. If you still insist on going, you must keep it in mind that you have
responsibilities on your shoulders. You must be careful in dealings with others as you have a newly wed bride at home.
The noun stems may be simple, complex or compound. The resulting forms analysed below are nouns, whatever the morphological status of their components.
(1) Root (2) Root + Suffix (3) Root + Suffix + Suffix (4) Prefix + Root (5) Root + Root (6) Root + Root + Suffix Examples: 1.1.1. Root kәḍ ‘back’ kuar ‘wife’ trimәt ‘woman’ 1.1.2. Root + Suffix: lәmbai lamb+ -ai ‘length’ sәfai sәf + -ai ‘Cleaniness’ wәdhai wәdh + ai ‘Congratulations’ sәstwai sәst + -wai ‘cheepness’ cәŋŋai cәŋŋ + -ai ‘goodness’ mәhaŋgwai mәhaŋg + -wai ‘dearness’ sәpera sәp + -era ‘snake charmer’ cugleṭ cugl + -eṭ ‘back biter’ mәŋgta mәŋg + - ta ‘beggar’ śIkari śIkar + -i ‘hunter’ wәpari wәpar + -i ‘businessman’ khuni khun + -i ‘murderer’ gәwãḍi gәwãḍ + -i ‘neighbour’ cumi cum + -i ‘kiss’ bimari bimar + -i ‘sickness’ dhәnwan dhәn + -wan ‘rich man’ 1.1.3. Root + Suffix + Suffix: nәc + әṇ + -al (a) ‘dancer’ ro + -wәṇ + -al (a) ‘one who weeps’ 1.1.4.Prefix + Root pәr + ḍaḍ (a) ‘paternal grandfather’ pәr + ḍaḍ(i) ‘paternal grandmother’ pәr + nan(a) ‘maternal grandfather’ pәr + nan (i) ‘maternal grandmother’ 1.1.5.Root + Root kәn + -paṭi ‘Temple’ ḍu + par ‘noon’ 1.1.6.Root + Root + Suffix cә + ku + -ṭh (a) ‘having four corners’ 1.2. Grammatical Categories: There are three grammatical categories of nouns, viz., 1. Gender 2. Number and 3. Case
Gender is inherent. All nouns in this language are divided into two classes, masculine and feminine. The only correlation is syntactic. All the nouns have to be listed under one or the other gender. However, it may be noted that some feminine nouns are overtly represented by feminine suffixes.
1.2.2. Number: There are two numbers: 1. Singular 2. Plural
A large number of nouns are inflected for singular and plural both, whereas a few are inflected for one, or the other only. There are nouns, which can be counted in numbers, but mass nouns can only be measured. Thus nouns can be classified into count nouns and mass nouns.
Example: Paṇi ‘water’ lәu ‘blood’ sudh ‘remembrance’ khir ‘milk’
There are four cases; two of which, viz., nominative and oblique apply to all nouns. Vocative is mostly used with animate nouns. The ablative is used with a small class of nouns only in singular number.
1. Nominative 2. Oblique 3. Vocative 4. Ablative The four cases are distinguished by the following suffixes: Singular Plural Nominative ø ә œ ø œ ĩ œ ri œ ã Oblique ә œ ø ø œ eã œ ã Vocative e œ ø o œ eo œ Io Ablative ũ
The suffixes represent both case and number. They are not segmentable for the two categories separately.
Illustrative paradigms are given below: Masculine – I Singular Plural Nominative mama mame Oblique mama mameã Vocative mama mameo Ablative - - Masculine – II Nominative ghәr ghər Oblique ghәr ghәrã Vocative - - Ablative ghәrũ - Nominative chor chor Oblique chor chorã Vocative chor choro Ablative - - Feminine: Nominative cher cherĩ Oblique cher cherĩ Vocative cher cherIo Ablative - - Nominative nũ nũri Oblique nũ nũri Vocative nũ nũrIo Ablative - - Nominative bã bãi Oblique bã bãwã Vocative - - Ablative - - Nominative bhua bhuiã Oblique bhua bhuiã Vocative bhua bhuIo Ablative -
e œ p œ ĩ œ ri œ ã are the plural suffixes added to singular nouns in nominative case. On the basis of these different plural endings, nouns can be classified as follows:
1.3.1. Class I /e/ class: Singular Plural pәṭka pәṭke ‘turbans’ bua bua ‘doors’ murga murge ‘cocks’ goḍa goḍe ‘knees’ ana ane ‘eye balls’ mama mame ‘maternal uncles’ phIpṛa phIpṛe ‘lungs’ ǝ̃dha ǝ̃dhe ‘blind persons’ 1.3.2. Class II /p/ Class: kã kã ‘crows’ nã nã ‘names’ Ulu Ulu ‘owls’ nau nau ‘nails’ khu khu ‘wells’ hәṇu hәṇu ‘jaws’ gәḍu gәḍu ‘donkeys’ ḍәnd ḍәnd ‘teeth’ mor mor ‘peacocks’ chor chor ‘boys’ bal bal ‘children’ sIr sIr ‘heads’ bhIra bhIra ‘brothers’ 1.3.3. Class III /I/ class Singular Plural Cher cherĩ ‘girls’ bã bãĩ ‘arms’ trimәt trimәti ‘woman’ muk mukĩ ‘fists’ әkh әkhĩ ‘eyes’ bheṇ bheṇĩ ‘sisters’ kuar kuarĩ ‘wives’ bha bhaĩ ‘fires’ 1.3.4. Class IV /ri/ class dhi dhiri ‘daughters’ nũ nũri ‘daughters-in-law’ 1.3.5. Class V /ã/ class khUi khUiã ‘small wells’ dhoti dhotiã ‘saris’ tәli tәliã ‘palms’ wәdhai wәdhaIã ‘congratulations’ jәŋg jәŋgã ‘legs’ kәmiz kәmizã ‘shirts’ much muchã ‘moustaches’ piṛ pirã ‘pains’ Il Ilã ‘eagles’ bhua bhuIã ‘father’s sisters’
1.4.1. Feminine nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to the masculine nouns. These suffixes are -i, -ṇ, -ṇi, -aṇi.
(a) - i Examples: Masculine Meaning Feminine meaning mama ‘maternal uncle’ ‘mami’ ‘aunty’ caca ‘paternal uncle’ ‘caci ‘aunty’ ghoṛa ‘horse’ ghoṛi ‘mare’ ḍaḍa ‘grand father’ ḍaḍi ‘grand mother’ potra ‘grand son’ potri ‘grand daughter’ sala ‘wife’s brother’ Sali ‘wife’s sister’ bhaṇeja ‘sister’s son’ bhaṇeji ‘sister’s daughter’ bhatrija ‘brother’s son’ bhәtriji ‘brother’s daughter’ (b) -ṇ naī ‘master’ ṇ -ṇ ‘mistress’ kәsai ‘butcher’ kәsɛ -ṇ ‘female butcher’ teli ‘oilman’ telә -ṇ ‘oil woman’ moci ‘male cobber’ mocә -ṇ ‘female cobber’ pujari ‘male priest’ pujarә -ṇ ‘female priest’ sәpera ‘male snake charmer’ sәperә -ṇ ‘female snake charmer’ (c) -ṇi sәp ‘male snake’ sәp -ni ‘female snake’ śer ‘lion’ śer - ni ‘lioness’ mor ‘peacock’ mor - ni ‘pea hen’ jadugar ‘male magician’ jadugar -ni ‘female magician’ (d) -aṇi jeṭh ‘husband’s elder brother’ jeṭh - aṇi ‘husband’s elder brother’s wife’ ḍer ‘husband’s elder brother’ ḍer - aṇi ‘husband’s younger brother’s wife’ 1.4.2. Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to adjective stems. (a) -i : adjective meaning noun meaning pap ‘sin’ ‘pap -i ‘sinner’ gәrib ‘poor’ ‘gәrib –i ‘poverty’ cәlak ‘clever’ cәlak -i ‘cleverness’ Udas ‘sad’ Udas –i ‘sadness’ Khuś ‘happy’ Khuś –i ‘happiness’ śukar ‘rich’ śukar -i ‘richness’ huśiyar ‘alert’ huśiyar –i ‘alertness’ (b) -war adjective meaning noun meaning kәsur ‘default’ kәsur – war ‘defaulter’ (c)-ai saf ‘clean’ ‘saf –ai’ ‘cleaniness’ mIṭha ‘sweet’ ‘mIṭha –ai’ ‘sweetmeat’ 1.4.3. Conditional infinitives usually functions as nouns. sәm - әṇ ‘to sleep’ kha - wәṇ ‘to eat’ dhã - wәṇ ‘to bathe’ kәr - әṇ ‘to do’ mәr -әṇ ‘to die’ woñ -әṇ ‘to go’ bәn -әṇ ‘to bind’ tәp - әṇ ‘to heat’ ḍha -wәṇ ‘to fall down’
This term in this sense has been borrowed from a reference Grammar of Punjabi, Gill H.S. and H.A. Gleason Jr. Punjabi University, Patiala, 1969 P. 37.
1.4.4. Nouns can be derived by adding suffixes to the noun stems. (a) –ala noun meaning noun meaning khir ‘milk’ khirala ‘milkman’ (b) –era sәp ‘snake’ sәpera ‘snake charmer’
1.4.5. Compound nouns can be derived by repeating the first word, except that in the second item the first letter is replaced by ś.
guthi śuthi ‘small bag etc.’ roti śoti ‘food etc.’ khir śir ‘milk etc.’ paṇi śani ‘water etc.’
The adjective stems may be simple, derived and compound. The resulting forms analysed below are adjectives, whatever the morphological status of their components.
(1) Root (2) Root + Suffix Examples: 2.1.1. Root ṭhula ‘fatty’ suṇa ‘pretty’ tәta ‘hot’ kala ‘black’ cәŋŋa ‘good’ kula ‘soft’ 2.1.2. Root + Suffix mɛl + -a - mfla ‘dirty’ kuṛ + -a - kuṛa ‘lair’ sәmәj + -dar - sәmәjdar ‘wise’ kimәt + -I - kimti ‘expensive’ gulab + -i - gulabi ‘pink’ 2.2. Grammatical categories: There are three grammatical categories in adjectives, viz., 1. Gender 2. Number and 3. Case
Adjectives are characterized by their inflection for masculine and feminine i.e. one class of adjectives ending in -a have masculine and feminine pairs but there are several adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction and gender forming suffixes are not added.
2.2.2. Number: There are two numbers: 1. Singular 2. Plural
Adjectives, which are characterized by their inflection for masculine and feminine respectively, show inflected forms for two numbers. All those adjectives which are neutral to gender distinction are neutral to number distinction also.
2.2.3. Case: There are two cases: 1. Nominative 2. Oblique
The suffixes represent both case and number, they are not segmentable for the two categories separately.
Suffixes: Singular Plural Masc. Noun -a -e Obl. -e -e Fem. Noun -i -iã Obl. -i -iã Illustrative paradigms are given below: Singular Meaning Plural Meaning Masc. Nom. Kala ghoṛa ‘black horse’ kale ghoṛe ‘black horse’ Obl. Kale ghoṛe kũ ‘to the black horse' kale ghoṛeã kũ ‘to the black horse’ Masc. Nom. cәŋŋa chor ‘good boy’ cәŋŋe chor ‘good boys’ Obl. cәŋŋe chor kũ ‘to the good boy’ cәŋŋe chorã kũ ‘to the good boys’ Fem. Nom. cәŋŋi cher ‘good girl’ cәŋŋiã cheri ‘good girls’ Obl. cәŋŋi cher kũ ‘to the good girls’ cәŋŋiã cheri kũ ‘to the good girls’
All other objectives have the same form consistently whatever the gender, number and case may be e.g. sәfed, gulabi, sәmәjdar, etc.
According to the agreement in gender with the following noun, one class of adjectives shows different forms according to the
two genders.
The other class has the same form whatever the gender of the noun may be.
2.3.1. Class I Masculine Feminine Meaning buḍha buḍhi ‘old’ sukka sukki ‘dry’ mәndra әndri ‘short’ gәnda gәndi ‘dirty’ kuṛa kuṛi ‘lair’ kala kali ‘black’ cәŋŋa cәŋŋi ‘good’ bhɛra bhɛṛI ‘bad’ cIṭṭa cIṭṭI ‘white’ sәcca sәcci ‘true’ 2.3.2. Class II gulabi ‘pink’ khali ‘vacant’ Udas ‘sad’ Khuś ‘happy’ śukar ‘rich’ bәu ‘much’, very’ ghәṭ ‘less’ cәlak ‘clever’ sәmajdar ‘wise’
The -i ending adjectives in class II are derived forms. So they do not have the gender distinction.
With those adjectives, which have distinction for gender, the plural suffixes are added to the singular adjectives in
nominative phase. So these can be sub classed into two:
/ -e / Class (for masculine forms) / -I-ã / class (for feminine forms) Singular Plural (a) Masc. buḍha buḍhe ‘old’ sukka sukke ‘dry’ kala kale ‘black’ cәŋŋa cәnne ‘good’ (b) fem. cәŋŋi cәnnIã ‘good’ bhɛṛi bhɛṛIã ‘bad’ pili pilIã ‘yellow’ kali kalIã ‘black’
Adjective stems are formed from different stem classes by adding derivational suffixes as follows:
Feminine adjectives can be derived by adding feminine forming suffix -i to the masculine adjective stems.
Examples: Masculine - feminine cәŋŋa cәŋŋi ‘good’ phIka phIki ‘faded’ kala kali ‘black’ cIṭṭa cIṭṭI ‘white’ mәndra mәndri ‘short’ suṇa suṇi ‘pretty’
Masculine and feminine forming suffixes -a, -i respectively are added to nouns to form adjectives.
Examples: Noun Meaning Masc. Adj. Fem. adj. Meaning. gәnd ‘dirt’ gәnda gәndi ‘dirty’ mɛl ‘dirt’ mɛla mɛli ‘dirty’ kuṛ ‘lie’ kuṛa kuṛi ‘liar’ ṭhәḍh ‘cold’ ṭhәḍha ṭhәḍhi ‘cold’
Adjectives are derived from noun root by adjective forming suffix -i. The meaning of it roughly being ‘related to’.
Examples: Noun Meaning adjective meaning dag ‘spot’ dagi ‘spotty’ kimәt ‘price’ kimti ‘expensive’ bәdam ‘almond’ bәdami ‘almond coloured’ śәk ‘doubt’ śәki ‘doubtful’ gulab ‘rose’ gulabi ‘rosy’
Numerals form a sub-class of adjectives and belong to the II class of adjectives, which have the same form whatever the gender of
the
noun may be.
On the basis of their internal structure the cardinal numerals in Lahandā can be grouped into two classes.
1. Simple Cardinal Numerals and
2. Complex which are all compounds.
The simple numerals are monomorphemic forms and they are limited in the language. They are further subdivided into two classes
as basic and nodes.
The basic numeral forms referring to numbers one to nine always occur as attributes in derived numeral forms whereas the nodes ten,
hundred, thousand, lakh etc occur as head of the derived numeral construction. They from the head of nucleus of multiplicatives
and additives.
The basic numerals from 1 to 9 always occur as first members of the derived numeral constructions referring to any number below
hundred. They are prefixed in the constructions. They occur as preceding qualifiers to other nuclei (numerals so,
‘hundred’ hazar ‘thousand’ lәkh ‘lakh’ etc.).
Examples: Basic Nodes hIk ‘one’ ḍa ‘ten’ ḍu ‘two’ so ‘hundred’ trɛ ‘three’ hәzar ‘thousand’ car ‘four’ lәkh ‘lakh’ pәñ ‘five’ keror ‘ten million’ chĩ ‘six’ sәt ‘seven’ әṭh ‘eight’ nau ‘nine’
The derived cardinal numerals are those numeral formations, which are developed in various ways from the basic numerals and they
are
from bio-morphemic to poly-morphemic in their structure. The constructions, which are derived from the above basic numerals,
represent
the semantic categories of adjectives, multiplicatives and combinations of both of these.
For example:
{ coḍa } ‘fourteen’ is
An additive formation developed with the basic numeral car and ḍa as first and second members of the construction. It means
‘four added to ten.’ As against this,
{ cali } ‘forty’ is
a multiplicative formation constructed with a different set of allomorphs of the same morphemes car and ḍa to mean
‘four times ten’
{Curtali} ‘forty four’ is
a formation, which is both additive and multiplicative. The first constituent of this construction is cur -an allomorph of car
and the second constituent is tali an alternant of the multiplicative form cali which in turn is a formation of car and ḍa.
This form means ‘four added to four times ten’.
The numeral allomorphs are morphologically conditioned and there are too many allomorphs for these numerals. The distribution of
these
allomorphs is not stated because they are morphologically conditioned and they are very complicated in certain cases.
Their segmentation is also questionable.
Ordinal numerals are formed by suffixing the ordinal suffix to cardinal numerals. The suffixal morpheme is {-w-} with allomorphs /-w- œ -j - œ - th-/. These ordinal numerals belong to class I adjectives unlike cardinal numerals. The ordinals are inflected for gender and oblique case. They agree in gender and case with the nouns, which they modify.
The ordinal suffix: /-w- œ -j - œ - th-/ The ordinal numeral pɛla for ‘first’ is a suppletion form suppleting both the cardinal numeral and the ordinal suffix. /-J-/ is added to the cardinal numeral for ‘second’ and ‘third’
ḍuja ‘second’ (masc.) trija ‘third’ (masc.) /-th-/ is added to the ordinal numeral for ‘four’ cotha ‘fourth’ (masc) /-w-/ is added elsewhere. pәñjwa ‘fifth’ chĩwa ‘sixth’ sәtwa ‘seventh’ әthwa ‘eighth’
Pronouns are syntactically definable as a class of forms substitutable for nouns. They share the same features as nouns by
entering
into construction with inflections of gender, number and case, but they are distinguished from nouns by having a category of
persons
and they do not have inherent gender like nouns.
Pronouns have varying forms according to case and number. They occur in their basic form in nominative singular and in their
alternant
forms in other paradigms.
The pronominal root either in its basic or alternant form occurs as the first member of the construction followed by the number
suffix
as second member and oblique stem forming suffix as the third member and the case suffixes as the final member of such forms.
The final resulting forms of the pronouns are as follows: - +pr.R. +ø pl. +ø st. S. + case Singular Examples Nominative pr. R. + ø (case) mɛ̃, tũ, o,e Oblique pr. R. + ø (stem) + ø (case) mɛ - kũ pr. R. + st.S. + case mf ḍɛ me-ḍ -e Plural Examples Nominative pr.R + pl. + ø (case) ә -sã әsã Oblique pr.R + pl. + case ә -sa –kũ әsakũ sɛkũ Pr.R. +pl. +st.S. +case Un –a –d+e Unade
On the basis of their distribution with the alternant forms of plural suffix and the oblique stem-forming suffix with which they enter into construction, pronouns are classified into two types. Accordingly, the first and second person pronouns belong to class I, and the other pronouns fall under class II.
Pronouns have a category of number. There are two numbers, singular and plural. The singular is unmarked and the pronominal roots in plural occur with suffixes as follows:
Class I (I and II person) Nom. -sã Obl. –a ~ -ø Class II (others) Nom. –ø Obl. –a ~ -ø
The first and second person pronouns have plural suffix -sã in the nominative. The other pronouns have -p suffix in the nominative. On the basis of this distribution, the I and II person pronouns belong to class I and rest to class II.
In the oblique, all the pronouns have -ø as the plural marker occurring after the pronominal roots. In the first person there are
two freely varying forms in plural, one with the plural suffix and the other without it. Where respect is shown, the plural forms are
used as honorific singular forms.
Examples: Singular Plural Nominative: 1st person mɛ̃ ‘I’ ә -sã ‘we’ IInd person tũ ‘you’ tu -sã ‘you’(pl.) IIIrd person Remote o ‘he,she, o ‘they’ that’ these’ Proximate e ‘he,she, e ‘they, this’ these’ Oblique : Ist person mɛḍe ‘my’ әsaḍe-sɛḍe ‘our’ IInd person tɛḍe ‘your’ tuaḍe ‘your’ IIIrd person unde-ũde ‘his’ Unade ‘their’ her’ Proximate inde- ĩde ‘his’ Inade ‘their’ her’ 3.4. Case: There are three cases. 1. Nominative 2. Oblique 3. Possessive
The case suffixes are the same for singular and plural. These occur as the last member of the construction except in possessive where the gender, number suffix itself functions as case.
Nominative -ø Oblique -e Possessive -ø + gender – number suffixes, the same as for Nouns. Examples: Singular Plural nom. mɛ̃ әsã obl. mɛḍe әsaḍe ~ sɛḍe poss.masc. mɛḍe/mɛḍe saḍa ~ saḍa/saḍe fem. mɛḍi/mәḍIã saḍi/saḍiã
Pronouns in their oblique case have the stem forming suffixes as follows. They are the same for both sg and pl.
Class I -ḍ- œ -ø- Class II -d- œ -ṇ - œ -ø-
-ø- occurs after pre roots when followed by post-position -kũ and nasalization in oblique as agentive marker.
-ḍ else where.
-ø- occurs after pr. Roots when followed by the-kũand nasalization in oblique as agentive marker.
-ṇ- with reflexive pronouns. -d- else where. Examples: Class I Singular Plural Oblique Ist person mɛ -kũ sɛ -kũ mɛ̃ әsã mɛ -ḍ -a sa -ḍ -e IInd person tɛ -kũ tɛa - kũ tɛ̃ tusã tɛ -ḍ -e tua -ḍ -e Class II Singular Plural Oblique IIIrd person u -kũ Una -kũ ũ Unã inde-ĩde Ina -d -e Inade unde-ũde Una -d -e Unade kɛnde-kɛ̃de kInade 3.6. Allomorphic distribution of prominal roots : 3.6.1. Class I 3.6.1.1. First person {mɛ̃} /mɛ̃ ~ mɛ - ~ ә -, әsã ɛ sɛ -/ “I”
mɛ̃ - occurs in nominative singular. mɛ - in oblique sg with stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and with nasalization as agentive marker, with stem forming suffix -ḍ e elsewhere. ә - Occurs as stem alternant before plural suffix -sã in nominative Pl. The stem with plural suffix has alternants as follows. әsa - sa as a freely varying form of -e occurs in oblique without the stem-forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -ḍ - else where.
The resulting paradigm of first person pronouns will be: - Singular Plural Nominative mɛ̃ әsã Oblique mɛ̃ -kũ әsakũ sɛkũ mɛ̃ әsã mɛḍe әsade/saḍe Possessive mɛḍa әsaḍa/saḍe 3.6.1.2. Second Person: /tũ ~ tɛ̃ - ~ tu - ~ tUa -/ “you”
tũ occurs in nominative sg. tɛ in oblique sg. Without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -ḍ- elsewhere. tu- occurs as stem alternant in nominative before plural suffix -sã The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: tua - in oblique without the stem-forming suffix before the postposition -kũ and nasalizatin and with stem forming suffix -ḍ- elsewhere. The resulting paradigm of II person pronouns will be: -
Singular Plural Nominative tũ tusã Oblique tɛkũ tuakũ tɛ̃ tusã tɛḍa tuaḍe Possessive tɛḍa tuaḍa 3.6.2. Class II Pronouns have the following sub classes: 1. Demonstrative 2. Interrogative 3. Relative 4. Reflexive
These sub classes are distinguished on the basis of certain syntactic and semantic criteria.
3.6.2.1. Demonstratives (including III person) are of two kinds: - 1. Remote 2. Proximate III. Person: Remote {o} /o - u ~ un - ~ Una -/ “he,she, it, that” Proximate {e} /o ~ i - ~ in - ~ Ina -/ “he, she, this”
O - occurs in nominative sg and pl. U - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ post-positioned nasalization as agentive marker. Un - occurs in oblique sg with stem forming -d- elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows. Una- in oblique without stem forming suffix before - kũ Post position and with nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere. e- Occurs in nominative sg and pl. I- in oblique sg without stem forming suffix followed by -kũpostposition and with nasalization as agentive marker. In- in oblique with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows. Ina- in oblique without stem forming suffixes before post position -kũ and nasalization and with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere.
The resulting paradigms of demonstrative pronouns will be: ‘Remote’ Singular Plural Nominative o o Oblique ukũ unakũ unde - ũde ũnade Possessive unda - ũda unada ‘Proximate’ Singular Plural Nominative e e Oblique ikũ Inakũ ĩ Inã inde - ĩde Inade Possessive inda - ĩda Inada
There are two interrogative pronouns /koṇ/ and /ke/ koṇ has reference to human indicating nouns while he refers non-human indicating nouns.
(a) {koṇ} / koṇ ~ kf - ~ kin - ~ kina -/ “who” Distribution: koṇ - occurs in nominative sg and pl. kf - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and with nasalizations as agentive marker. Kfn - occur in oblique with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: Kina - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and nasalization as agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -d- elsewhere. The resulting paradigm will be as follows: Singular Plural Nominative koṇ koṇ Oblique kɛkũ kIna kũ kɛ̃ kInã kɛnde - kɛ̃ de kInade Possessive kɛnda - kɛ̃ da kInada (b) {ke} “what” Distribution: Ke occurs only in this form and has no paradigms.
The relative pronouns have the following allomorphs with their distribution as stated under: {jo} /jo - jɛ̃ - ~ jIn - ~ jIna -/ “who” jo occurs in nom. sg and pl. jɛ̃ - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -ku postposition and with nasalization as agentive marker. jĩn - occurs in oblique with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The stem with the plural suffix has alternants as follows: jIna - occurs in oblique without stem forming suffix followed by -kũ postposition and with nasalization as an agentive marker and with stem forming suffix -d-, elsewhere. The resulting paradigm will be as under:
Singular Plural Nominative jo jo Oblique jεkũ jInakũ jɛ̃ jInã jɛnde - jɛ̃ de jInade jɛnda - jɛ̃ da jInada
ap is reflexive pronoun, which has reference to I, II, and III person pronouns. The pronominal form in reflexive occurs only in sg. {ap} /ap - ~ ap-/
Distribution: ap occurs in nom. sg and pl. әp occurs in oblique with stem forming suffix -ṇ- Examples: Singular Plural Nominative ap ap Oblique ṇpṇe ṇpṇe әpṇa ṇpṇa
In the verbal forms of lahandā the initial unit (segment) is always a verb stem. Verb stems in this language are either simple, derived or compound. Simple forms are always monomorphemic forms. They are the verb roots. The verb roots have the canonical shapes as stated below:
4.1. Canonical Form: (1) V (2) VC (3) VCV (4) VC VC (5) CV (6) CVC (7) CVC (8) CV CV (9) CVCVC Examples : 4.1.1. V- a- to come’ 4.1.2. VC- akh- ‘to say’ uḍ- ‘to fly’ uṇ- ‘to knit’ uṭh- ‘to get up’ 4.1.3 VCV- әla - ‘to talk’ 4.1.4. VCVC- әṭәk - ‘to delay’ ubal - ‘to boil’ 4.1.5. CV- pi- ‘to drink’ si- ‘to sew’ ga- ‘to sing’ kha- ‘to eat’ ca- ‘to carry’ ro- ‘to weep’ ḍo- ‘to milk the cow’ pa- ‘to put on’ ḍe- ‘to give’ dho- ‘to wash’ bɛ- ‘to sit’ lɛ- ‘to descend’ dhɛ- ‘to fall down’ 4.1.6. CVC- pәṛ- ‘to read’ lIkh- ‘to write’ kheḍ- ‘to play’ nәc- ‘to dance’ buḍ- ‘to draw’ sәm- ‘to sleep’ kәp- ‘to cut’ c731241ṛ- ‘to climb’ ḍәkh- ‘to see’ ghIn- ‘to take’ khIl- ‘to laugh’ pәṭh- ‘to send’ 4.1.7. CVCC- pәrn- ‘to get married’ laŋg- ‘to cry’ 4.1.8. CVCV- kәma ‘to earn’ khәṛo- ‘to stand’ lәkh- ‘to bring down’ 4.1.9. CVCVC- nIkәl - ‘to come out’ pәkәṛ - ‘to catch’
4.2. Derived stems are those verbal stems, which are formed by adding different stem forming suffixes to the roots.
The stems may be either simple where the root itself functions as the stem and there may be derived stems where the root is followed by
some suffix referring to some grammatical functions. Here the stem forming suffixes are added to roots. Certain roots undergo some morphophonemic changes. Such roots are known as strong verbs. The roots do not undergo any morphophonemic alternations are considered as weak verbs.
Verb stems may be divided into two classes. 1. Strong stems 2. Weak stems. Examples: Class I joṛ- ‘to repair’ juṛ -wa ‘cause to get repair’ si- ‘to sew’ sI –wa ‘to get sewn’ kha- ‘to eat’ khә -wa ‘to feed’
• The roots listed under these canonical forms have also second allomorphs each with the canonical form CVCC. Monosyllabic roots are numerous in the language whereas disyllabic roots are few in number.
Class II pәṛ- ‘to read’ pәṛ -wa ‘cause to get read’ lIkh- ‘to write’ lIkh -wa ‘cause to write’ uḍ- ‘to fly’ uḍ -a ‘cause to fly’
In a number of cases an intransitive verb has a corresponding transitive stem formed by vowel alternation (which is usually called ablaut), which involves both qualitative and quantitative change of vowels. These transitivized stems can further be derived into causative stems by adding causal suffixes.
Examples: Intransitive Transitive mәr- ‘to die’ mar- ‘to kill’ sәṛ- ‘to burn’ saṛ- ‘to burn some one or some thing’ ruk- ‘to stop’ rok- ‘to stop someone’ chIṛ ‘to go to pasture’ chәṛ- ‘to take to pasture’ 4.4. Causative stem formation : The causative stems are formed in one of the following ways. 4.4.1. Transitive verb root medial or final a - ә before causative suffix. mar - ‘kill’ mәr - wa- ‘get killed’ saṛ - ‘to burn’ sәṛ wa- ‘to get burnt’ bal - ‘to burn’ bәl - wa- ‘to get burnt’ kha- ‘to eat’ khә - wa- ‘cause to get eat’ 4.4.2. Transitive verb root medial or final O - U before causative suffix. moṛ - ‘to move aside’ muṛ-‘to get moved’ choṛ - ‘to leave’ chuṛ - wa-‘to get left’ ṭor - ‘to leave’ ṭur - wa-‘to get left’ dho - ‘wash’ dhu- wa-‘to get washed’ 4.4.3. Transitive verb root medial or final e - I before causative suffix. ḍe -‘to give’ ḍI - wa- ‘to get given’ ḍekh -‘to see’ ḍIkh- wa- ‘to get shown’ 4.4.4. Transitive verb root medial or final i - I before causative suffix. si - ‘to sew’ sI - wa- ‘to get sewn’ 4.4.5. There are some verb roots, which have consonantal changes before causal suffix. bhәj - ‘to break’ bhәn- wa- ‘to get broken’ phәṭ - ‘to be torn’ phәṛ- wa- ‘to get torn’ wec- ‘to sell’ wIk- wa- ‘to get sold’ Causal stems are formed by the addition of causal suffixes.
4.4.6. There are two causal forms. The first causal is formed by adding -a suffix and the second causal is formed by adding -wa suffix.
All vowel ending roots have one causal form while in consonant ending roots one set has two causal forms and the other has only one causal form. There is set of intransitive verbs which have a transitivized form and a causal form. These roots, which are few in the language, are listed below:
Vowel ending roots: kha- ‘to eat’ khә- wa- ‘to get eaten’ si- ‘to sew’ sI - wa- ‘to get sewn’ dho- ‘to wash’ dhu - wa- ‘to get washed’ dẹ - ‘to give’ ḍI - wa- ‘to get given’ The only exception is pi- ‘drink’, which has -la instead of -wa as causative Pi- ‘to drink’ pI- la- ‘to get drunk’ There is a class of consonant ending roots, which has two forms. pәṛ ‘to read’ pәṛ- a- ‘to get read’ pәṇ- wa- ‘cause to get read’ põc- ‘to reach’ pɛ̃c - a- ‘to get reached’ pɛ̃c -wa- ‘cause to get reached’ lIkh- ‘to write’ lIkh- a- ‘to get written’ lIkh – wa- ‘cause to get written’ There is a clause of consonant ending roots, which has one causative form. khol- ‘to open’ khul- wa- ‘to get opened’ gol- ‘to find’ gul- wa- ‘to get found’ chaṇ- ‘to sift’ chәṇ - wa- ‘to get sift’ cir- ‘to cut’ cIr – wa- ‘to get cut’ khIl- ‘to laugh’ khIl- wa- ‘to get laughed’ kәp- ‘to cut’ kәp - wa- ‘to get cut’ sәḍ- ‘to call’ sәḍ - wa- ‘to get called’ bhej- ‘to send’ bhIj - wa- ‘to get sent’ There is a set of intransitive verbs, which have a transitivized verb root and then causative form. Intransitive Transitive Causative Ubәl ‘to boil’ Ubal- ‘to boil’ Ubәl -wa- ‘to get boiled’ mәr- ‘to die’ mar- ‘to kill’ mәr - wa- ‘to get killed’ bәl - ‘to burn’ bal- ‘to burn’ bәl- wa- ‘to get burnt’ sәṛ - ‘to burn’ saṛ - ‘to burn’ sәṛ - wa-‘to get burnt’ ṛk - ‘to stop’ rok- ‘to stop someone’ ruk - wa- ‘to get stopped’
Some verb stems are not used in the causative; others are used only in one of the two. Only a relatively small number of stems occur in both causatives. When only one causative occurs, it’s meaning is normally ‘to cause to do’ the action designated by the primary stem. When both causatives occur, the simple causative is semantically of the primary stem whereas the double causative is the causative of the simple causative.
Passive stems are developed from transitive verb roots by suffixing -wij / -ij to the vowel ending or consonant ending roots respectively. They occur as first member of a compound verb. Construction with post stem of the verb wәñ- ‘to go’ as the second member.
Examples: Vowel ending roots: si- sI-wij ‘to be sewn’ pi- pI-wij ‘to be drunk’ pa- pә-wij ‘to be put on’ kha- khә-wij ‘to be eaten’ dho- dhu-wij ‘to be washed’ Consonant ending roots: kәp- kәp – ij ‘to be cut’ pәrn- pәrn – ij ‘to be married’ kәmiz sIwij gәI he ‘The shirt has been sewn’. roṭI khәwij gәI he ‘The food has been eaten’ chor pәrnij gɛ ‘The boy has got married’. 4.6. Compound verbs: Compound verbs can be divided into two main classes. 1. Double verb 2. Conjunct verb
Double verb is two one -word- verb lexical items behaving as single grammatical unit and occurring in a fixed order without the
possibility of separation by any other element except the negative or emphatic particle (it can occur between the forms given
under)
• The term ‘Double verb’ has been adopted from the unpublished thesis ‘A Grammatical Analysis of the Finite verbal phrase in
Punjabi’, exemplified from “gusalakhanaa to hor lәkh”, Jogindor Singh Puar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University
of London, 1972.
The combining feature of the two words as one grammatical unit is that if the first component is a root form and in such a case
the second in inflected, and if the first word is suffixed form then the second is also correspondingly a suffixed form.
(1) The form of the root may be the same in both the words. E.g. ghin ghin ‘take’ ḍe ḍe ‘give’
(2) The form of the root of the second word may be a rhyming form of first occurring only in collocation with first (verb) lexical item within the main part of the verbal phrase. E.g.
mar mur ‘kill’ dhã dhũ ‘bathe’ mãj mũj ‘clean’ (3) The form of the root may be different in each of the two words e.g. Compound Root bɛ wәñ ‘sit down’ ghIn a ‘bring’ sәṭ ghәt ‘throw down’ bhәj wәñ ‘run away’ kәr choṛ ‘finish’ mar sәṭ ‘kill’ (4) Suffixed Forms: khada pita - khada na pita ‘without eating’ dhãta dhũta - dhãta na dhũta ‘without bathing’
Conjunct verb contains two one- word forms, the components of which are classifiable at the lexical level as noun lexical item and
verb lexical item, in that order, while forming a single (two word) verb at the grammatical level, the noun lexical item is a part
of the verb. The noun lexical item component of the conjunct verb differs from that same lexical item in the nominal phrase in
respect of the following features.
(I) The postposition /kũ/ cannot occur within the word, only the negative or the emphatic particle can occur between the two
components.
(II) It does not participate in any concordial relation of number and gender with the verbal phrase i.e. the noun lexical item
remains uninflected and is regarded as a component of the verb e.g.
Conjunct Verb: Noun lexical item + Verb lexical item dan + ḍewәṇa ‘to give charity’ sәla + ḍewәṇa ‘to advise’ jәwab + ḍewәṇa ‘to answer’ Noun lexical item + verb lexical item tәsәli + ḍewәṇa ‘to assure’ hudhar + ḍewәṇa ‘to lend money’ yad + kәrna ‘to remember’ pIar + kәrna ‘to love’ kәm + kәrna ‘to work’ bәdla + ghInṇa ‘to avenge’ hudhar + ghInṇa ‘to borrow’ ḍoś + lawәṇa ‘to accuse’ gusa + awәṇa ‘to get angry’ gusa + thiwәṇa ‘to be angry’
• The function of he ‘(existence, to be, presence)’ and this ‘to be’ is quite different in this language e.g.
bhәla thiwi ‘may god bless you’ kәm thiwi ‘let your work be done’ mɛ ḍa kәm thi gɛ ‘my work has been done’ pәrsũ karsi thisi ‘There will be fast day after tomorrow’ jә ḍen di bimer thәI hã ‘Since I have become ill’ but mɛ̃ ghәr hosã ‘I will be home’ o Itthaĩ hosi ‘He will be here’ 4.7. Formation of Participles: 4.7.1. Present participle: Distribution: Present participle / -nda/ V- CV- CVCV- / -da/ Intransitive, and a sub class of transitive (atmanepәd) if the action operated is for the benefit of the actor. / -enda / ↝ / ẽda/ the rest of tansitive (Tyrannized) Add -nde to verb stems ending in a vowel. Examples: Verb stem Present participle a- ‘to come’ a + nda = ãda si- ‘to sew’ si + nda = sīda pi- ‘to drink’ pi + nda = pĩda kha- ‘to eat’ kha + nda = khãda pa- ‘to put on’ pɛ + nda = pɛ̃da la- ‘apply’ lɛ + nda = lәda dhã- ‘to bathe’ dhã + nda= dhãda dho- ‘to wash’ dho + nda = dhõda ḍe - ‘to give’ ḍe + nda = dẽda lәha - ‘to bring down’ lәhe + nda = lәhẽda kәma - ‘to earn’ kәme + nda = kәmẽda
II. Add -da to stems ending in a consonant of intransitive verbs and a sub class of transitive verbs, which are atmanepәd.
Examples: Verb stem Present participle mәr- ‘to die’ mәr + da ḍәr - ‘to fear’ ḍәr + da nәc - ‘to dance’ nәc + da sәm - ‘to sleep’ sәm + da pәṛ - ‘to read’ pәṛ + da ghIn - ‘to take’ ghIn + da kheḍ - ‘to play’ kheḍ + da akh - ‘to say’ a + da ḍekh - ‘to see’ ḍe + da
III. Add – enda to parasamipad transitive stems ending in a consonant.
Examples: khol- ‘to open’ khol + enda=khulẽda joṛ - ‘to repair’ joṛ + enda=juṛẽda ḍ әs - ‘to tell’ ḍ әs + enda=ḍ әsẽda lIkh - ‘to write’ lIkh + enda=lIkhẽda ṛkh - ‘to keep’ ṛkh + enda = ṛkhẽda kәr - ‘to do’ kәr + enda = kәrẽnda mar - ‘to kill’ mar + enda = mәrẽda
Some consonant ending transitive verbs are members of both the atmanepad and persmaipad. Such verbs have participles with both
–da and –enda.
Further these forms are inflected for gender and number and agree with the subject in both the categories, i.e., -a, -e, -i,
-iã.
Examples: Singular Plural masculine khãda khãde pәṛda pәṛde kәrẽda kәrẽde feminine khãdi khãdIã pәṛdi pәṛdIã kәrẽdi kәrẽdIã
This stem is formed by adding -winda and -inda to the roots ending in vowels and consonants respectively. It is further inflected for gender and numbers. gender + number suffixes are -a, -e, -i, iã
Examples: kәr- ‘to do’ kәr + inda = kәrĩda kәp - ‘to cut’ kәp + inda = kәpĩda kha - ‘to eat’ kha +winda = khәwĩda dhã - ‘to bathe’ dhã+ winda = dhәwĩnda pәrn - ‘to marry’ pәrn + inda = pәrnĩda mar - ‘to kill, beat’ mar + inda = mәrĩda jәṛ - ‘to repair’ joṛ + inda = jәṛğda
This is formed by suffixing one of the following allomorphs of the past participle to the verb stems and further it is inflected for gender and number. Allomorphs of verb roots entering into construction with past participle suffix cannot be stated in any regular way except by listing them. Of all these lexically conditioned allomorphs, - Iya is the most productive. The allomorphs are as follows:
/ - Iya œ - t œ -d œ -dh œ -th œ -ṭh œ -n / (a) / -Iya / Examples: masculine singular ḍәs - ‘to tell’ ḍәsIya ‘told’ mIl - ‘to meet’ mIlIya ‘met’ pәṛ - ‘to read’ pәṛIya ‘read’ rәng - ‘to dye’ rәngIya ‘dyed’ (b) / -t- / ḍe- ‘to give’ ḍIta ‘gave’ si- ‘to sew’ sita ‘sewn’ pi- ‘to drink’ pita ‘drank’ ga- ‘to sing’ gata ‘sang’ dhã- ‘to bathe’ dhãta ‘bathed’ dho- ‘to wash’ dhota ‘washed’ khәṛo - ‘to stand’ khәṛota ‘stand’ jo - ‘to yoke’ jUta ‘yoked’ kәma - ‘to earn’ kәmata ‘earned’ kәr - ‘to do’ kita ‘did’ sәm - ‘to sleep’ suta ‘slept’ tәp - ‘to be heated’ tәta ‘heated’
This mostly goes with roots ending in vowels but goes with some roots ending in consonants also.
(c) / -d / kha - ‘to eat’ khada ‘ate’ ghIn - ‘to take’ ghIda ‘took’ (d) / -dh / bәn - ‘to bind’ bәdha ‘binded’ ḍo - ‘to milk the cow’ ḍudha ‘milked the cow’ lәbh - ‘to find’ lәbha ‘found’ (e) / -th / lɛ - ‘to descend’ lәtha ‘descended’ wәs - ‘to rain’ wәtha ‘rained’ (f) / tḥ / ḍhɛ - ‘to fall down’ ḍhәṭha ‘fell down’ ḍekh - ‘to see’ ḍIṭha ‘saw’ bɛ - ‘to sit’ bɛṭha ‘sat’ (g) / -n / ro - ‘to weep’ ṛna ‘wept’ The following form their past in unique patterns. wәñ - ‘to go’ gIa a - ‘to come’ aya mәr - ‘to die’ moya akh - ‘to say’ akhya
The past participle form is further inflected for gender and number according to the concordance with the subject or object i.e. –a, e, -i, -ĩa.
Examples: Singular Plural masculine kita kite feminine kiti kitIã masculine aya aye gIa gɛ khIlIya khIle feminine ai aIã gәi gәIã khIli khIlIã
4.7.4.1. / -әs / or / -os / is added to the past participle stem of the main verb when its subject is the third person and its object is followed by / kũ / postposition e.g.
kit –es unã kũ kәṭha kiṭs ‘He collected them’ akhy –es Unã kũ akhyәs ‘He said to them’ kit –os kItab kũ ke kitos ‘What did he do to the book’ әkhy –os tɛkũ ke әkhyos ‘What did he say to you?’ Between / -os / and / -әs /, the former is honorific and the latter non-honorific.
4.7.4.2. / -om / and /-se / are added to the past participle stem of the main verb to indicate Ist person singular and plural (also singular honorific) subjects respectively, for example,
gIom ‘I went’ gIose ‘We went’
4.8.1. The simple infinitive is formed by adding / -ṇa / / -wәṇa / to verb stems ending in a consonant and a vowel respectively.
Examples: Consonant ending stems: kәr –na ‘to do’ ṭur –na ‘to walk’ pәṛ -na ‘to read’ ghIn -ṇa ‘to take’ ḍekh -ṇa ‘to see’ wәñ -ṇa ‘to go’ ṇ - n after stems ending in r, ṛ, ṇ etc. Vowel ending stems: a- a-wәṇa ‘to come’ kha- khawәṇa ‘to eat’ pi- pi-wәṇa ‘to drink’ si- si- wәṇa ‘to sew’ khәwa- khәwa -wәṇa ‘to get eaten’ ḍIwa- ḍIwa -wәṇa ‘to get given’ kәrwa- kәrwa -wәṇa ‘cause to get done’ pәṛwa- pәṛwa -wәṇa ‘cause to get read’
4.8.2. The conditional infinitive * is formed by adding / -әṇ / and / -wәṇ / to the consonant ending and vowel ending stems of the verb respectively. Examples:
Consonant ending stems: LIkh - lIkh -eṇ ‘to write’ pәṛ - pәṛ -en ‘to read’ mәr - mәr –әn ‘to die’ sәm - sәm -әṇ ‘to sleep’ wәñ - wәñ - әṇ ‘to go’ ghIn - ghIn -әṇ ‘to take’ Vowel ending stems: a- a -wәṇ ‘to come’ kha - kha -wәṇ ‘to eat’ ḍe - ḍe - wәṇ ‘to give’ leha - leha - wәṇ ‘to bring down’ ḍIwa - ḍIwa - wәṇ ‘to cause to be given’
4.9.1. Hortative Inflections: Verb stems are inflected to develop Hortative Conjugation.
• The term ‘conditional infinitive’ is taken from A Reference Grammar of Punjabi, H.S. Gill and Henry A. Glemson Jr. Department of Linguistics, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1969. P. II. P. 37.
Hortative is inflected for person and number. Following are the inflectional endings (of person and number). Singular Plural Ist person -ã -ũ IInd person -ẽ -o IIIrd person -e/i -әn Examples : (a) kha- ‘to eat’ Singular Plural Ist person kha –w-ẽ khaũ IInd person kha –w-ẽ kha-o IIIrd person kha-w-e kha-w-on (b) kәp - ‘to cut’ Ist person kәp -ã kәp -ũ IInd person kәpẽ kәp -o IIIrd person kәp -e kәp -әn (c) Khәwa-‘to feed’ Ist person khәwn -w-ã khәwa -ũ IInd person khәwa -w-ẽ khәwa –o IIIrd person khәwa -w-e khәwa –w-әn When the action is desiderative or benefactory -i is added e.g. bhәla thiwi ‘May god bless you !’ jәṛ lәgi rawi ‘May your root remain for ever !’ dhәn kәm rawi ‘May your wealth remain for ever!’ 4.9.2. Imperative: It is inflected for number only. Imperative inflectional endings are as follows: 4.9.2.1 . Imperative Informal or Ordinary: Singular Plural IInd person -p -o Examples: kha - ‘to eat’ kha kha –o kәp - ‘to cut’ kәp kәp –o wəñ - ‘to go’ wəñ wәñ -o 4.9.2.2. Imperative Formal or Polite / Honorific : Singular Plural IInd person-ĩ -ae Examples: kha- ‘to eat’ khaw -ĩ khә -w-ae wәñ ‘to go’ wәñ-ĩ wәñ-ae a - ‘to come’ a-w-ĩ әwae ca- ‘to carry’ ca-w-ĩ cә -w-ae
To the imperative forms of the verb the suffixes / -әs / / -es / and / -os / singular and plural respectively are added when the action denoted by the verb has reference to the third person. It also implies emphasis. Examples:
Singular Plural ghIn -әs ‘you (sg) take from ghIn –os ‘you (pl) take from him/her/them’ him/her/them’ ḍe -wәs ‘give him (etc)’ ḍe -os ‘give him (etc)’ ca -wәs ‘carry him (etc)’ ca –os ‘carry him (etc)’ wәñ - әs ‘ go with him (etc)’ wәñ-os ‘go with him (etc)’ kәp -әs ‘cut for him (etc)’ kәp – os ‘cut for him (etc)’ pәṛwa -w-әs ‘get him (etc) taught’ peṛwa –os ‘get him (etc) taught’ f ~ pәṛw -es pәṛwa -w-es ‘teach him (etc)’ pәṛa –os ‘teach him(etc)’ f ~ pәṛ -es khәwa -wәs ‘you feed him (etc)’ khәwa –os ‘you feed him (etc)’ f ~ khәw –es with causal stems / -әs / and / -es / forms have freely varying alternants.
The optative is formed by adding / -ida / to the verb stem. It is inflected for gender and number categories. The only verb exhibiting its forms is / ca. /
Examples: Singular Plural masculine ca – ida ca –ide feminine ca – idi ca - idĩa
4.10. The future tense is formed by adding -s to intransitive verbs and vowel ending transitive verbs and -es in consonant ending transitive verbs. The form is then followed by person + number endings. Examples:
Future a- ‘to come’ Singular Plural Ist person a-s-ã ‘I will come’ a-s-ũ ‘We will come’ IInd person a-s-ẽ ‘You will come’ a-s-o ‘You will come’ IIIrd person a-s-i ‘He/She will come’ a-s-әn ‘They will come’ ho - ‘to be’ Singular Plural Ist person ho-s-ã ‘I will be’ ho-s-ũ ‘we will be’ IInd person ho-s-ẽ ‘You will be’ ho-s-o ‘You will be’ IIIrd person ho-s-i ‘He/She will be’ ho-s-әn ‘They will be’ 4.10.2. Vowel ending Transitive verb roots : kha- ‘to eat’ Ist person kha-s-ã ‘I will eat’ kha-s-ũ ‘we will be’ IInd person kha-s-ẽ ‘You will eat’ kha-s-o ‘You will eat’ IIIrd person kha-s-i ‘He/She will eat’ kha-s-әn ‘They will eat’ 4.10.3 Consonant ending Transitive verb roots : kәr- ‘to do’ Ist person kũr -es-ã ‘I will do’ kәr -es-ũ ‘We will do’ IInd person kәr -es-ẽ ‘You will do’ kũr -es-o ‘You will do’ IIIrd person kәr -es-i ‘He/She will do’ kәr- es-әn ‘They will do’. 4.10.4. Causative verb stem : khәwa ‘cause to get eaten / ‘to feed someone’ Ist person khәw –es-ã ‘I will feed’ khәw –es-ũ ‘We will feed’ IInd person khәw –es-ẽ ‘You will feed’ khәw –es-o ‘You will feed’ IIIrd person khәw –es-i ‘He/She will feed’ khәw –es-әn ‘They will feed’
When the addressee is second person, /-a/ or / -i / is added after the third person future forms singular and plural respectively and it implies emphasis also.
Examples: roṭi koṇ khәwesi -a ‘Who will feed you’? bhãḍe ḍhә posәni ‘The utensils will fall down’ ‘Addressing to the second person for caution sake’.
/ -әs / and / -os / is added when IIIrd person is the subject of intransitive verb and the object of transitive verb, it is expressed by us -әs and -os in singular and plural respectively, the latter being used for singular honorific also.
Examples: ma mәrs-әs ‘Mother will beat him’. ma mәrs-es tã sukh pәsi ‘When )(her/his) mother will die, Then he/she will acquire happiness’ tũ khәw -es-әs ‘You will feed him/her’. tusã khәw-es-os ‘You will feed him/her/them’
There are two sets of verbal auxiliaries, inflected for person and number. There is no distinction for gender.
Set I 4.11.1 Imperfective: 4.11.1.1. Positive: Singular Plural Ist person hã ‘am’ hɛ̃ ‘are’ IInd person hẽ ‘are’ ho ~ hIwe ‘are’ IIIrd person he ‘is’ hIn ‘are’ 4.11.1.2. Negative : Ist person na hã ↝ nã na hɛ̃ ↝ nɛ̃ IInd person na hẽ ↝ nẽ nahIwe ↝ nIwe IIIrd person nәI he ↝ nәI na hIn ↝ nIn Set -II 4.11.2. Perfective 4.11.2.1. Positive : Singular Plural Ist person hәm ‘was’ hase ‘were’ IInd prson hawẽ ‘were’ hawe ‘were’ IIIrd person hai ‘was’ hәn ‘were’ 4.11.2.2. Negative : Ist person na hәm ↝ nәm na hase ↝ nase IInd person na hawẽ ↝ nawẽ na hawe ↝nawe IIIrd person na hai ↝ nai na hәn ↝ nәn
There are two other sets of auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. They also indicate the categories of person and number.
Set –I 4.12.1. Imperfective: 4.12.1.1. Positive: Singular Plural Ist person hIm hIse IInd person hIwi / hIni hIwe / hIne IIIrd person hIs hIne 4.12.1.2. Negative : Ist person na hIm ↝ nIm na hIse ↝ nIse IInd person na hIwi ↝ nIwi na nIwe ↝ nIwe IIIrd person na hIs ↝ nIs na hIne ↝ nine Set –II 4.12.2. Perfective: 4.12.2.1. Positive: Ist person hәm hase IInd person hawi / hani hawe / hane IIIrd person hәs hane 4.12.2.2. Negative : Singular Plural Ist person na hәm ↝ nәm na hase ↝ nase IInd person na hawi ↝ nawi na hawe ↝ nawe IIIrd person na hәs ↝ nәs na hane ↝ nane
Adverbs are not inflected like nouns and adjectives. There is an overlapping of adjectives and adverbs but their distinction from adjectives is quite clear because of their indeclinability. Some of the adverbs are as follows:
5.1. Adverbs of Time: sәbaĩ ‘to morrow’ kәlәthũ ‘day before yesterday’ kәl ‘yesterday’ huṇ ‘now’ tәḍәṇ ‘then’ tã ‘then’ kәḍaĩ ‘sometime’ kәḍәṇ ‘when?’ jәḍәṇ ‘when’ wәt ‘again’ sәwere ‘in the morning’ roz ‘daily’ pIche ‘after’ bad wIc ‘later on’ nu tori ‘as yet’ әje tәk ‘as yet, still’ rati ‘in the night’ ḍIhari ‘in the day’ 5.2. Adverbs of Place: Itthã ‘here’ Utthã ‘there’ kItthã ‘where’ jItthã ‘below’ Utte ‘above, on’ 5.3. Adverbs of Direction: Inte ‘this side’ Unte ‘that side’ kInte ‘which side’ keṛe pase ‘which direction’ ĩ pase ‘this side’ ũ pase ‘this side’ Innũ ‘from here’ Unnũ ‘from there’ 5.4. Adverbs of Manner: iwẽ ‘thus, as, this way’ uwẽ ‘so, that way’ kiwẽ ‘how?’ jiwẽ ‘as’ tIkkhe tIkkhe ‘quickly’ hole hole ‘slowly’ Ubale Ubale ‘hurriedly’ mәte/mәtәṇ ‘perhaps’ na ‘not, no’ nәi ‘no’ 5.5. Two Adverbs of place are made emphatic by adding -ĩ e.g. Itthã + ĩ Itthãĩ ‘in this very place’ Utthã + ĩ Utthãĩ ‘in that very place’ 5.6. Some Adverbial Suffixes: Adverbs are not always marked by any suffixes, but the following stem forming suffixes are identifiable. -e wela ‘time’ ũ wele ‘at that time’ Ubal ‘hurry’ Ubale Ubale ‘hurriedly’ sәwera ‘morning’ sәwere ‘in the morning’ -i rat ‘night’ rati ‘in the night’ ḍIhara ‘day’ ḍIhari ‘in the day’ sәc ‘true’ sәci ‘truly’
These give an appearance of locative suffix but because the locative suffix is not a marked case category in this language these have been included in the adverbs.
5.7. It may be noted that there is reduplication in tIkkhe, tIkkhe, etc.
Postpositions occur after the oblique form of the noun and pronoun. These can be distributionally classified into three types.
6.1 da ‘of ‘ is inflected for gender, number and case and agrees with the following noun. For example: masculine feminine Singular Noun da di Oblique de di Plural Noun de diã Oblique de / deã de / diã Masc. Noun. Sg. /ram da bhIra / ‘Ram’s brother’ Fem. Noun Sg. /ram di bheṇ/ ‘Ram’s sister’ Masc. Obl. Sg. /ram de bhIra kũ / ‘to Ram’s brother’ Fem. Obl. Sg. /ram di bheṇ kũ / ‘to Ram’s sister’ Masc. Noun. P. /ram de bhIra / ‘Ram’s brothers’ Fem. Noun Pl. /ram diã bheṇĩ / ‘Ram’s sisters’ Masc. Obl. Pl. /ram de bhIrawã kũ/ ‘to Ram’s brothers’ Fem. Obl. Pl. /ram diã bheṇĩ kũ / ‘to Ram’s sisters’ 6.2 Post positions /kũ/, /tũ/, and /kolũ/; follow the noun and show no inflection. /kũ/ ‘to’ /tũ/ ‘from’ (occurs with inanimate nouns)’ /koIũ/ ‘from’ (occurs with animate nouns)’
/ kũ/ postposition and /-/ nasalization * an agentive marker occur with oblique pronouns and / kolũ / occurs after pronouns in oblique where all other postpositions can occur.
For example: tɛkũ ‘to you’ tũ ‘you’ tɛḍe kolũ ‘from you’ tɛḍe nal ‘with you’ mɛḍe nal ‘with me’
6.3. There are a number of postpositions which follow a noun or a noun plus /de/. The occurrence of /de/ is optional in many
cases. Some of these postpositions are further inflected ** for ablative case like nouns in ablative singular and they function like
nouns.
• /-/ as agentive marker occurs with pronouns only. Nouns in oblique occur as Agentive Subject.
** The common treatment is to consider the roots as nouns (free or bound) and to say that they are used as postpositions also.
Postposition Forms in Ablative case Wic ‘in’ wIcũ ‘from inside’ kol ‘with’, in possession of near’ kolũ ‘from near’ nal ‘with’ close to near’ nalũ ‘from near’ tɛlle ‘below’ tɛllũ ‘from below’ Utte ‘on, up’ Uttũ ‘from above’ bar ‘out side’ barũ ‘from outside’ ɛ̃der ‘inside’ ɛ̃ndrũ ‘from inside’ pIche ‘after’ pIchũ ‘from behind’ әgge ‘in front of’ әggũ ‘from before’ pase ‘to wards’ pasũ ‘from the direction of’ xatәr ‘for the sake of’ Example: әlmari de wIc әlmari wIc ‘in the almirah’ raje kol ‘in the possession of the king’ mez de Utte mez Utte ‘on the table’ 7. CONJUNCTIONS: Conjunctions function as connectives and are indeclinable. Some of the conjunctions are as follows: te ‘and’ je ‘if’ әgәr ‘if’ tã ‘then’ ya ‘or’ ya -ya either….or bhawẽ …….tã ‘either…or’ hIke…hIke ‘either….or’ na…na ‘neither…nor’ pәr ‘but’ lekin ‘but’ jәḍәṇ….tәḍәṇ ‘when…then’ jeṛe wele ….. Usse wele ‘when…then’ mәtәṇ….. ‘lAst’
Interjections are words that carry sentence intonation and constitute complete utterance. Some of the interjections are as follows:
śabaś ‘brave!’ hae ‘ah!’ he bhәgwan ‘Ah God ! ‘ O true God’ hɛ̃ ‘surprise!’ In calling to a person the interjection ‘oh!’ Varies according to the person addressed. wәṇ ‘oh !’ (Informal address to a female) we ‘oh!’ (Informal address to a younger man) o saĩ ji ‘oh’ (formal address to a male)
Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be augmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance is thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:
(a) i roṭI khadi i nIs ‘He/She has not eaten food’ (b) wi ḍal wi pәi he ‘The pulse is also lying’ (c) jo o jo aya hai ‘He had come’ (d) tã mɛ̃ tã na wә sã ‘I will not go’ (e) sәI o wәñe tãsәi ‘Let him/her go first’ (f) thoṛa mɛ̃ thoṛa akhe ‘I did not say, did I?’ (g) na tũ roti khadi e na ‘You have eaten the food’
Emphasis on a specific element in an utterance is expressed by heavy stress carried by the head of intonation. It may also be indicated by shifting the element from its normal position in an utterance. However it may be augmented by a small class of invariant words that always follow the stressed element. These are called particles and their place in an utterance is thus not fixed. It is tied up with the element to be emphasized. The more common particles are:
(a) i roṭi khadi i nIs ‘He/She has not eaten food’ (b) wi ḍal wi pәi he ‘The pulse is also lying’ (c) jo o jo aya hai ‘He had come’ (d) tã mɛ̃ tã na wәsã ‘I will not go’ (e) sәi o wәñe tã sәi ‘Let him/her go first’ (f) thoṛa mɛ̃ thoṛa akhe ‘I did not say, did I?’ (g) na tũ roṭi khadi e na ‘You have eaten the food’ 11. NOUN PHRASE: 11.1. In noun phrase a simple noun may be the NP and in place of a noun a pronoun can occur as NP. For example: Chor khIlIya ‘(The) boy laughed. bal ṛna ‘The child wept’. O khIlIya ‘He laughed’. mɛ̃ aya ‘I came’
The noun can be modified in several ways. But pronouns do not have modifiers though they can modify other words, particularly nouns. Pronouns are one-word phrases. The noun can be preceded by a demonstrative determiner. The internal structure of determiners is as follows:
Determiners can be of two types: 1. Definite 2. Indefinite
The Definite determiner is either p or a demonstrative pronoun, for example, o ‘that, ‘those’ e ‘this, ‘these’ etc.
nũ әkhya ‘(The) daughter in-law said’ o raja bәhadur he ‘That king is brave’ o chor khIlIya ‘That boy laughed’. e kĩtab he ‘This is (the) book’. The indefinite determiners are kuj, koi, hIk etc. For example: kuj log aye hәn ‘Some people had come’ koi aya he ‘Someone has come’ hIk raja hai ‘There was a king.’ The noun can be preceded by a possessive pronoun. For example: mɛḍa chor he ‘He is my boy’. e mɛḍi kItab he ‘This is my book’. O ram da dost hai ‘He was Ram’s friend’. ũdi kuwar ‘His wife’. mɛḍa ḍata ‘My donour’ tɛḍi dhi ‘Your daughter’ ũde dost ‘His friends’ tә ḍiã dhiri ‘your daughters’ kɛ̃da ghәr ‘whose house’ The gender number of the possessive agrees with the following noun which is the head. 11.2. Co-occurrence of Nouns with Number: The noun can be preceded by a demonstrative and numeral. E.g. o ḍu chor aye ‘Those two boys came’.
The numeral can consist of an ordinal and cardinal. These may be subdivided into these co-occurring categories.
Numeral 1. Approximate or ordinal 2. Cardinal, multiplicative or fractional 3. Collective or measure. For example: Approximate numerals - lәghbәg ‘almost’ sIrf ‘only’ Ordinals are elements - pɛla ‘first’ ḍuja ‘second’ Fractional - әdha ‘½’ muna ‘¾’ Collective - joṛa ‘pair’ dәrjәn ‘dozen’ measure- ser ‘seer’ pa ‘¼ of seer’ Def. Ordinal + N can occur as NP Def. Or Indef. + cardinal + N can occur as NP Def. + ordinal + cardinal + N can occur as NP For example: Pɛla chor ‘(the) first boy’ e ḍu chor ‘these two boys’ pɛle ḍu chor a wәño ‘(the) first two boys come on’ pɛli cher a wәnẽ ‘(the) first girl may come’ Cardinal numerals are plural after one and they all have no gender distinction.
Ordinals are inflected for number and gender and agree with the following noun in both these categories of gender and number.
For example: pɛla kәmra khol ‘open (the) first room.’ pɛle ḍu kәmre khol ‘open (the) first two rooms.’ pɛli kItab ḍe ‘Give the first book’ ḍujIã ḍu kItabã tɛḍIa hIn ‘Next two books are yours’.
Indefinite or definite or ordinal + cardinal + collective or measure can occur as NP.
koi ḍu dәrjәn kele ghIdi awĩ ‘(You) please bring some two dozen bananas.’ muna ghǝ̃ṭa thi gɛ ‘ ¾ hour has passed.’ әdha ser alu ḍe ‘Give half a seer of potatos’
In the definite NP the cardinals may be followed by an aggregative element, which yields forms such as: e.g.
hIk ‘one’ hIko ‘only one’ ḍu ‘two’ ḍuwẽ ‘both’ trɛ ‘three’ trI wẽ/triẽ ‘all the three’ car ‘four’ care ‘all the four’ peṇ ‘five’ pǝ̃ñe ‘all the five’ chĩ ‘six’ chĩe ‘all the six’ sәt ‘seven’ sәte ‘all the seven’ әṭh ‘eight’ әṭhe ‘all the eight’ For example: mǮḍe bhIra da hIk putr –he ‘My brother has one son.’ mɛḍe bhIra da hIko putr he ‘My brother has only one son.’ mɛḍi bheṇ diã ḍu dhiri aIã ‘Two daughters of my sister came’. mɛḍi bheṇ diã ḍuwẽ dhiri aIã ‘Both (the) daughters of my sister came’ The NP may contain a question element. For example: keṛa chor tɛḍa he ‘which boy is your’s?’ kitti khir ‘how much milk’ kItti kItabã ‘how many books’ koṇ aya he ‘who has come?’ koṇ he ‘what is?’ So the Determiner have another member constituent i.e. (k) (Def. Or Indef.)
The combination of k with other elements of NP yields forms such as koṇ ‘who’ kItti ‘how many’ or ‘how much’, ke ‘what’ keṛa ‘which one’ etc.
The Det may contain limited expressions such as: e.g.
mɛ̃ sIrf ḍu әb khaden ‘I have eaten only two mangoes’
11.3. The noun can be preceded by an adjective and the -a ending adjectives agree with the following noun in gender and number categories.
For example: masc. sg. cәŋŋa chor ‘good boy’ fem. sg. cәŋŋi cher ‘good girl’ masc. pl. cәŋŋe chor ‘good boys’ fem. pl cәŋŋiã cheri ‘good girls’ Adjectives may have various modifiers usually preceding them. For example: bӣu cәŋŋa chor ‘very good boy’ wәḍa cәŋŋa chor ‘very good boy’ kuj cәŋŋa chor ‘some what good boy’ bәu chor ‘many boys’ bәu paṇi ‘much water’ kuj chor ‘some boys’
However, the first of two adjectives, even though agreeing with the noun do not modify the noun. This can be seen by the fact that the following (the phrases above) without cәŋŋa do not occur. /bәu/ and /kuj/ can be used with such nouns only when plural.
Other than -a ending adjectives do not change according to the number and gender of the following noun they modify.
For example: masc. sg. e gulabi phul he ‘This is the pink flower’ masc. pl. e gulabi phul hIn ‘These are pink flowers’ fem. sg. e gulabi dhoti he ‘This is the pink sari’ fem. pl. e gulabi dhotiã hIn ‘These are pink sarees’ masc. sg. e lal kәpṛa he ‘This is the red cloth’. masc. pl. e lal kәpṛe hIn ‘These are red clothes’.
There are various restrictions as to which nouns can occur with which verbs and adjectives. Nouns have features of animateness, countability etc. Which determine noun co-occurrence with verbs, adjectives etc. It is important to distinguish the following classes of nouns as shown in the diagram.
human admi animate nonhuman kUtta Count Inanimate kәmra abstract kәm Common Concrete Suns mass abstract men Masculine Noun human ram animate Proper non human moti (name Inanimate himala of the dog) humanchәr animate non human bIlli Count inanimate kәṛchi abstract gal Common concrete cãdi masc. abstract takәt Feminine Noun human sita animate non human bhurigәu ‘name of a cow’ Proper inanimate gәŋga
All animate nouns, which are inherently either masculine or feminine, are inflected for opposite gender e.g.
masc. fem. bIla ‘cat’ bIli ‘She cat’ mama ‘mother’s brother’ mami ‘mother’s brother’s wife’
They are also inflected for number. There are two numbers, singular and plural. All the count nouns are inflected for number, i.e. they have a singular and a plural form. But the mass nouns are not inflected for number, i.e. they have no plural forms. Some examples of the countable nouns have already been discussed in the preceding section on number. These distinctions of countability, animateness, humanness, abstractness etc are necessary to specify the occurrence restrictions between the nouns and adjectives, on the one hand and nouns and verbs on the other. There are various restrictions as to which nouns can occur with which verbs and adjectives. E.g.
kUtta bhәjIya ‘(The) dog ran !’ mɛ̃i wәsIya ‘It rained.’ chor khIlIya ‘(The) boy laughed.’ gәŋga ṭheḍhi he ‘Ganga is cold.’ HImala Ucca he ‘Himalaya is high.’ Ram wәḍa he ‘Ram is elder.’ But the following are not possible : * kUta khIlIya ‘(The) dog laughed.’ * kUtta wәsIya ‘Dog rained.’ * ṭhәḍhi gәŋga he ‘Cold is Ganga.’ * Ucca himala he ‘High is Himalaya.’ Neither are the following possible: * hIk kәṛchi kItab ghIn a ‘ bring one ladleful book.’ * o ḍu cãdi ghIn aya ‘ He brought two silvers.’ But the following are acceptable hIk kәṛchi bhaji ḍәwĩ ‘ please give one ladleful of vegetable.’ o ḍu tole cãdi ghIn aya ‘ He brought two tolas of silver.’
NP compliments can be of various types. These can be adjectival or adverbial, verbal or relative clauses.
Among adjectival NP compliments, it is useful to distinguish between based and derived adjectives. The base adjectives contain no derivational affixes, that is, they are not derivationally related to any other grammatical category such as noun or verb. The following are base adjectives:
For example: ghәr wәḍa he ‘The house is big.’ ũda chor cәŋŋa he ‘His/her boy is good.’ But the following are derived from some other grammatical category. (1) chәpIã oIã kItabã pәṛәn wIc sokhiã hőden ‘Printed books are easy to read.’ (2) ũ dhәṭhe oe phәl kәṭhe kite ‘She collected the fallen fruits.’ (3) piwәṇ ala paṇi gɛ̃da he ‘The drinking water is dirty.’ (4) gәḍi cәlawәṇ ala admi ghәr gɛ ‘The man who drives the car has gone home.’ (5) gәli wIc kele wecәṇ ala aye ‘In the street the banana seller has come.’ (6) mɛ̃ lәthe bhãde pɛ̃di hã ‘I use the things which are thrown away.’ by God or (some one).’
The adjective phrases in the above sentences are related to verb phrase such as the following: e.g.
(1) chәpIã oIã kItabã kItabã chәpIã oIãhIn ‘Printed books’ ‘Books which are printed’ (2) ḍhәṭhe oe phәl phɛ jeṛe ḍhәṭhe oe hIn ‘fallen fruits’ ‘Fruits, which are fallen down. (3) piwәṇ ala paṇi paṇi jo pita wɛ̃da he ‘drinkable water’ ‘water, which is used for drinking.’ (4) g|ḍi cәlawәṇ ala admi admi jo gәḍi cәlẽda he ‘Driver’ ‘man who drives the car.’ (5) kele wecәṇ ala admi jo kele wIcẽda he ‘banana seller’ ‘The person who sells bananas.’ (6) lәthe bhãḍe bhãḍe lәthe oe hIn ‘thrown away things’ ‘Things which are used and thrown away.’
Most attributive adjectives precede a noun in the noun phrase but there are some adjectives that cannot precede a noun by themselves. They have to be preceded by an adverbial element in AP.
admi lәmba he lәmba admi ‘man is tall’ ‘tall man’ chor ḍora he ‘ḍora chor’ ‘The boy is deaf’ ‘deaf boy’ chor ũde nal asmәt he ‘The boy is of the opinion as he.’ sɛmәt chor cannot occur
ude nal sɛmәt chor is possible, so we can say; the AP is made up of an adverbial element which is optional and an adjective, i.e.
The adverbial element is of two types. (1) It is a degree adverbial e.g. bәu ‘very’ bIlkIo ‘absolutely’ (2) It is a postpositional phrase.
Both P phrase and degree phrase can occur together also. Phrases with tũ, kәlũ or nalũ to express comparative or superlative constructions can occur as adjectival expressions. e.g.
o ũde sUbha tә bәu khús he (He is very happy by his nature)’ o mɛḍe kolũ wәḍa he ‘He is elder than me’. o ĩde tu cәŋŋa he ‘ He is better than him.’ ә śɛ ũde nalũ cәŋŋi he ‘This thing is better than that’. To express superlative expression these postpositions occur after sәb, sarIã, ‘all’ e.g. ũdi dhi sәb tũ suṇi he ‘Her daughter is most beautiful.’ (lit. than all) sarIa nalũ suṇa chor mIlIya hIs ‘(She) has got the most beautiful match.’ o sarĩa kolũ wәḍa chor he ‘He is the eldest son.’ 11.5.2. Adverbial NP Complements: o huṇ tәk juwan nәzәr ãde ‘He seems young till now.’ o mɛḍe awәṇ kolũ pәle lәga gɛ ‘He went away before I came.’ e mɛḍa roz da khaw`241ṇ he ‘This is my usual food.’ hәr koi Utthaĩ gIa ‘Every one went there.’ The derived adverbial phrases are of the following type. (1) Past participle adverbial phrases (2) Present participle adverbial phrases (3) Verb + ke adverbial phrases. 11.5.2.1. Past participle Adverbial phrases e.g. bәṭhe bәṭhe ukũ rat guzәr gәI he ‘Sitting continuously he spent the whole night.’ 11.5.2.3. Verb + ke Adverbial Phrase: cIṭṭI caḍr pa ke sәm thɛ ‘He slept covering himself with white sheet.’ o śɛr kolũ bar wәñ ke ṭIke ‘He stayed on the outskirt of the city.’ o apṇe gәbhrũ kũ nal ghIn ke lәgi wәdi he ‘Taking her husband with her she goes there.’ bәṛa udas thi ke ghәr lәga gɛ ‘We went back home (becoming sad) in a sad mood.’ khuã te ṭurke sәb koi wade khu kɛ̃de kolũ ṭur ke nIn wɛ̃de ‘People go to the well by walking (on foot), the well does not go to anyone.’ These adverbial phrases are derived from more than one sentence. For example: o cIṭṭi caḍr pa ke sәm pɛ ũ cIṭti caḍr pati ‘He covered himself with white sheet’ o sәm pә ‘He slept’ o śɛr kolũ bar wәñke ṭIke o śɛr tũ bar gIa ‘He went away from the city.’ o śɛr kolũ bar ṭIkIya ‘He stayed in outskirt of the city.’
Verb phrases with past participle form or with present participle form occur as NP compliments e.g.
o pәṛde pәṛde sәm gIa ‘ He while reading slept.’ o pәṛda pIa hai ‘ He was reading’ o sәm gIa ‘ He slept’ o (pәṛde pәṛde) sәm gIa So in these sentences the derived verbal phrase is embedded in subject noun. iwẽ phɛldi phɛldi gal raje de kәnã wIc pәi ‘Like this the spreading matter was overheard by the king.’ iwẽ gal phɛldi ṛi ‘The matter went on spreading like this.’ Gal raje de kәnã wIc pәi ‘The matter was overheard by the king.’ iwẽ phɛldi phɛldi gal raje de kәnã wIc pәi o pәṛIya oIya chor he ‘He is an educated boy.’ o chor he ‘He is (the) boy.’ o pәṛIya oIya he ‘He is educated’ o (pɛṛIya oIya) chor he Verb phrases with conditional infinitives followed by /da/ occur as NP complement. E.g. tUaḍe ghәr kәtha sUṇәn de bhaw koi ṇi ‘In your place there is no faith in listening the katha.’ e khawәṇ di śɛ ṇi ‘This thing is not meant for eating ‘ ukũ pәṛәn da bәu śok hai ‘He was very fond of reading.’ 11.5.4. NP Sentential complementation: Both direct and oblique NP’s can be extended by sentential complements. For example: e pәta lәg gɛ ke o bekәsur he ‘It is proved that he is innocent.’ mɛkũ pәta he ke o dIlli lәgi gәi he ‘I know that she has gone to Delhi.’ ukũ ĩ gal di khәsi he ke o nәi ai ‘He is happy (of this) that she has not come.’ Only Copala and kũ matrix sentences take direct NP complementation in the Subject position. o bekәsur he ‘He is innocent.’ o pәta lәg gɛ ‘It is proved.’ o pәta lәg gɛ ke o bekәsur he
All reason and purpose adverbials and genitive phrases of the abstract Iwla type can be extended by the oblique NP complementation. The object NP say also take a sentential complement. E.g. verbs such as socṇa ‘to think’ Jaṇna ’to know’ akhṇa ‘ to say’ lIkhṇa ‘ to write’ sUṇna ‘ to hear’ sәmәjiṇa ‘to understand’
mɛ̃ sUcẽdi kã ke ukũ sәḍ I ghInã ‘I think that I should invite her also.’ mɛ̃ sәmji ke ram merol korẽda pɛ ‘I thought that Ram is joking’
Whereas the object N precedes the verb, the contential complement of the type ke + S follows the V. Also the verbs of the matrix S and the embedded S do not agree in aspect and tense. If the V of the matrix S is socṇa ‘to think’ then the sux of the embedded S must be in the hortative form.
The ke -S complement may be reduced to a nominalized phrase as in the following sentences. ukũ ũde na awәṇ di khuśI he ‘He is happy about her not coming.’ mɛkũ ũda dIlli wәñṇa pәta lәg gɛ ‘I know about her going to Delhi.’
Relative clauses can occur as NP complements. It is introduced by relative pronouns jo, jeṛa, jɛ̃, jInã all meaning ‘who’ ‘which’. Mostly these follow the head noun but they can precede also.
For example: Jera tɛḍa bhIra he o ke kәrẽde ‘(That who is your brother, what does he do?’ jere ghәr wIs mɛ̃ rãdi hã o wәḍa he ‘The house in which I live, is big.’ Jo chor dIlli rãde o kәl asi ‘The boy who lives in Delhi will come tomorrow.’ o chor jeṛa śɛrũ aye o mɛḍa bhIra he ‘The boy who has come from the city (he) is my brother.’ o masṭer jɛ̃ mɛkũ pәṛaIya hai o mәr gɛ ‘The teacher who had taught me has died.’
Noun head of the second sentence is deleted and relative pronouns are used instead when two sentences are combined.
For example: Jo chor dIlli rãde o kәl asi Jeṛa tɛḍa bhIra he o ke kәrẽde This sentence is the result of the combination of following two sentences. Chor kәl asi ‘The boy will come tomorrow.’ Chor dIlli rãde ‘The boy lives in Delhi.’ tɛḍa bhIra he ‘You have a brother’. t949ḍa bhIra ke kәrẽde ‘What does your brother do?’ For example: Subject N in Direct case raja aya ‘(The) king came’ raje aye ‘(The) kings came.’ Chor ai ‘(The) girl came.’ chorĩ aIã ‘(The) girls came.’ Object N in oblique case (tũ) raje nal lәga wәñ ‘You go with the king.’ Chor nal awĩ ‘Come with the girl.’ Chorĩ kũ kItab ḍe ‘Give the book to the girls’ Nouns in the oblique without any postposition can occur as agentive subject, a one word NP. Subject N in raje akhya oblique case As agentive ‘The king said.’ Nouns is ablative case occur as a one word N phrase e.g. ghәrũ kItab ghIn a ‘Bring the book from home.’ Pronouns in oblique case occur before all postpositions. For example: mɛḍe nal jUl ‘come with me.’ saḍe nal ao ‘Come with us.’ Pronouns in the agentive form and followed by -kũ PP occur as one word NP. For Example: ũ akhya ‘He said.’ mɛkũ pәta he ‘I know it.’ ũ roṭi khadi he ‘He has eaten the food.’
Nouns in vocative case generally stand alone as single word phrases of a special type.
Postpositions are found as the last element in NP and in the phrase the possessive and adjective forms will agree with the N in number, gender and case. E.g.
Masc. sing. mɛḍe wәḍe pUtr kũ ‘to my elder son’ Fem. sing. mɛḍi suṇi dhi kũ ‘to my beautiful daughter.’
(1) The postpositions kũ marks NP. The /~ / which occurs with pronouns as agentive marker e.g. ĩ, ũ, Inã, Unã, tɛ̃ and no separate postposition is added to it, mark NP. When the -kũ postposition is added, the head noun must become oblique. (2) The postposition /da/ marks a type of AP. The preceding noun must be oblique. da agrees with the following noun in number and gender. The Possessive case of pronoun is equivalent to a noun phrase plus /da/ and is inflected for number, gender and case. (3) The remaining postpositions mark PPs. The preceding noun is always in the oblique. The postpositions may, occasionally be preceded by another postposition /de/ e.g. ram de nal ‘with Ram’ ram nal ‘ ram nal’
In this chapter the components of the verb phrase , copula verb and categories of intransitive, transitive and causative verbs is discussed. 12.1. The VP may consist of a MV or MV and auxiliary, which may be preceded by predicate, compliment either an NP or an adjective phrase or an adverbial phrase. Examples are as under:
Chor wәkil he ‘The boy is a lawyer.’ Chor cәŋŋa he ‘The boy is good.’ Chor ghәr he ‘The boy is at home.’
MV can be developed by choosing other verbs instead of ‘to be’. While choosing another verb there are several possibilities. One could choose an intransitive verb, a transitive verb, which takes an object, or a double object verb, which takes two objects.
For example: Chor khIlda pIa he Mvi ‘The boy is laughing.’ Vi = verb, intransitive Chor kItab ghIn ãda he Mvt. ‘The boy brings the book.’ Vt. = verb, transitive. o ukũ koi śɛ ḍẽda pIa he mu/dt. ‘ He is giving him something.’ Vdt. = verb, double, transitive 12.1.1. Intransitive Sentences: Masc. sing. Subject N. chor bhәjIya ‘The boy ran.’ Fem. sing. Subject N. cher bhәji ‘The girl ran.’ Masc. pl. subject N. chor bhәje ‘The boys ran.’ Fem. pl. subject N. cherĩ bhәjIã ‘The girls ran.’ Masc. Ist person sing. mɛ̃ bhәjda hã ‘I ran.’ Masc. 2nd person pl. tusã bhәjde he ‘You run’ Masc. 3rd person sing. o bhәjda he ‘He runs’ Fem. 3rd person sing. o bhәjdi he ‘She runs’ In all intransitive sentences, the verb agrees with the subject in number, gender and person. For example : Masc. sing. chor wɛ̃ da he ‘The boy goes.’ Fem. sing. cher wɛ̃di he ‘The girl goes.’ Masc. pl. chor wɛ̃de hIn ‘The boys go.’ Fem. pl. cher227 wɛ̃ dIã hIn ‘The girls go.’ 12.1.2. Transitive sentences: In transitive sentences, it is important to distinguish between three constructions. (1) Subjectival, (2) Objectival. (3) Impersonal. For example: (1) Subjectival Construction: Chor kItab pәṛda he ‘The boy reads the book.’ Cher kItab pәṛdi he ‘The girl reads the book.’
In the above example, as the Vt is in the imperfective aspect, the V agrees with the subject in number, gender and person.
(2) Objectival construction: ũ kItab pәṛi he ‘He has read the book.’ Chor kItab pәṛi he ‘The boy has read the book.’ mɛ̃ kItab pәṛi he ‘I have read the book’. Cher kItab pәṛi he ‘The girl has read the book.’ Chor paṭh pәṛIya ‘The boy read the lesson.’ Cher paṭh pәṛIya ‘The girl read the lesson.’ mɛ̃ paṭh pәṛIya ‘I read the lesson.’
In these sentences, as the Vt is in the perfective aspect, and the subject N is in the oblique case, the verb does not agree with the subject N; instead it agrees with the object in number and gender, e.g. The V pәṛ - agrees with kItab ‘book’ (fem. sg.) and paṭh ‘lesson’ (masc. sg.)
3. Impersonal construction: ũ chor kũ ḍIṭha ‘He saw (the) girl.’ mɛ̃ ũ kItab kũ ḍ̃Iṭha he ‘I have seen that book.’ Chor ukũ ḍIṭha hai ‘The girl had seen him.’
The verb is in the perfective aspect, but as the subject N is in the oblique case and the object N is also in the oblique case and
is followed by the postposition kũ. The verb does not agree either with the subject or with the object in number, gender and
person. It is always in masculine singular form.
There are some Vt’s, which do not participate in the objectival or impersonal constructions because the subject cannot be put in
oblique case e.g.
o kItab ghIn aya ‘He brought the book.’ o kItab ghIn ai ‘She brought the book.’ tũ gal bhulIya nɛ̃ ‘You (masc.) have not forgotten the thing (matter).’ o gal bhuli nәi ‘She has not forgotten the matter.’
In perfective sentences there are following possibilities. (1) The verb agrees with the direct object N in number and gender. (2) The verb does not agree either with the subject or with the object N in number, gender and person, if the object N is in the oblique case and followed by kũ. Instead the verb is always in the unmarked form, which is preferred to as the masculine singular form. (2) Verbs in double transitive sentences agree with direct object N in number and gender. E.g. ũ ram kũ әxbar ḍIta
‘He /She gave the newspaper to Ram.’ mɛ̃ ukũ kItab ḍIti ‘I gave the book to him / her.’ 12.1.3. Causal Sentences: o mɛkũ khIlwẽdi bәu he ‘She makes me laugh too much.’ tũ mɛḍa mәkan bәṇwa ḍe ‘You get my house built.’ ũ mɛkũ әj ɛ̃b khәwae hIn ‘He made me eat mangoes today.’ mɛ̃ apṇe kәpṛe dhobi kolũ dhuwẽdi hã ‘I get my clothes washed by the washerman.’
sәḍ ghIn ao ũ bәramәṇ kũ jɛ̃ mɛḍI cәrca kɛrwai he The causal and non causal sentences are related in a systematic way, e.g. the subject of the simple verb is the object of causal I sentence and the subject of causal is the causative agent of causal II e.g.
śɛ muk gәI he ‘The thing has finished.’ balã śɛ kũ muka ḍIta he ‘ The children have finished the thing.’ ũ balã kolũ śɛ mukwa ḍItti he.’ ‘He has got the thing finished by the children.’ hәṭṭi bәṇi he ‘The shop is built.’ ũ hәṭti bәṇai he ‘He has built the shop.’ mɛ̃ ũde kolũ hәṭṭi bәṇwai he ‘I have got the shop built by him.’
In addition to the simple verb forms the double and conjunct verbs also function as verb phrase. The following are instances of sentences containing these verbs.
12.1.4. Double verbs: ũ śɛ ghIn ghIdi he ‘He has taken the thing.’ tũ rɛkũ kItab ḍe ḍewĩ ‘You please give me the book.’ jәldi bhәj wɛ̃n nәI tã o pәkәr ghInsia ‘(You) run away quickly otherwise he will catch you.’ 12.1.5. Conjunct Verbs: ũde utte kuṛa ḍoś laIya ‘He accused him with false allegation’ ũ mɛkũ sәla ḍIti he ‘He has advised me.’ o balã kũ pIar kәrẽda he ‘He loves children too much.’ Double verb and conjunct verb have been already seen and discussed in the chapter on verbs. 12.2. Adjectival complements : Some verbs take nominal complements. Adjectival complements. Some verbs take nominal complements. For example: ũ әj kәpṛe saf dhote hIn ‘She has washed the clothes clean today.’ ũ bhaji kәcci bәṇai he ‘She has prepared the vegetable half done.’ mɛkũ e kәhaṇi cәŋŋi lәgi he ‘I have found this story interesting.’
In the transitive sentences the verbal complement saf and kәcca modify the object N’s kәpṛe and bhaji respectively. In the intransitive sentence, however the complement cәŋŋi modifies the underlying subject N. So these sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences. For example: Transitive Verb
ũ kәpṛe dhote hIn ‘She has washed the clothes.’ kәpṛe saf hIn ‘Clothes are clean.’ ũ bhaji bәṇai ‘She has cooked the vegetable.’ bhaji kәcci he ‘Vegetable is half done.’ 12.3. Adverbial complement There are two types of adverbial complements. (1) Those that involve an imperfect participle form of the verb, and (2) Those that involve a perfect participle form of the verb. Example of the first is: mɛ̃ ukɛ̃ roṭi khãde oe ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen him eating food.’ mɛ̃ ṭkũ kәwita pәṛdu oe suṇIya hai ‘I had heard you reciting the poem.’ These sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences. mɛ̃ ukũ ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen him.’ o roṭi khãda pIa hai ‘He was eating food.’ mɛ̃ ṭkũ suṇIya hai ‘I had heard you.’ tũ kәwita pәṛda pIa hawẽ ‘You were reciting the poem.’ Examples of a perfect participle adverbial complement are: mϒ ukũ kәmre wIc sute oe ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen him sleeping in the room.’ mϒ ṭkũ ḍkan te bәṭhe oe ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen him sitting at the shop.’ These sentences are derived by combining the following two sentences. e.g. mɛ̃ ukũ ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen him.’ o kәmre wIc suta pIa hai ‘He was sleeping in the room.’ mɛ̃ tɛkũ ḍIṭha hai ‘I had seen you.’ tũ, dukan te bɛṭha hawẽ ‘You were sitting at the shop.’
12.4. There are several possibilities of agreement rules, which operate on Lahandā sentences. These are some of the possibilities.
(1) The verb may agree with the subject N in number, gender and person. e.g. IIIrd p. Masc. sg. chor ghәr wɛ̃ da hẽ. ‘The boy goes home.’ Ist p. Masc. sg. mɛ̃ ghәr wɛ̃da hã. ‘I go home. IIIrd p. Fem. sg. cher ghәr wɛ̃di he ‘The girl goes home.’ IIIrd p. Masc. pl. chor ghәr wɛ̃de hIn ‘Boys go home.’ IIIrd p. Masc. pl. chor ghәr wɛ̃de hIn ‘Boys go home.’ (2) The verb may agree with the subject N in personand number e.g. Ist p. sg. mɛ̃ wɛsã ‘I will go.’ IInd p. pl. tusã wɛso ‘You (pl.) will go.’ IIIrd p. pl. o wɛsәn ‘They will go.’ Ist p. sg. (mɛ̃) awã ‘I may come.’ IIIrd p. sg. (o) awe ‘He may come.’ IInd p. pl. (tusã) ao ‘You (pl.) may come.’ (3) The verb may agree with the object N in number and gender e.g. mɛ̃ roṭi khadi he ‘I have eaten the food.’ ũ kItab pәṛi he ‘He has read the book.’ mɛ̃ paṭh pәṛIya he ‘I have read the lesson.’ mɛ̃ paṭh pәṛe hIn ‘I have read the lessons.’ (4) The verb may agree with the subject N in number only. sg. (tũ) awĩ ‘(You) please come.’ pl. (tusã) әwae ‘(You) please come.’
The present imperfect tense is formed by adding the present participle ending to the main verb and it is followed by the auxiliary verb.
For example: khIl - ‘to laugh.’ Ist person IInd person IIIrd person Masc. sg. KhIlda hã khIlda hẽ khIlda he pl. khIlde hɛ̃ khIlde ho/hiwe khIlde hIn fem.sg. khIldi hã khIldi hẽ khIldi he pl. khIldIã hɛ̃ khIldIã ho khIldIã hIn 12.5.2. Past Imperfect The past imperfect is followed by the perfect form of the auxiliary verb. For example: pәṛ ‘to read’ mas. s.g. pәṛda hәm ‘pәṛda hawẽ pәṛda hai pl. pәṛde hase ‘pәṛde hawe pәṛde hәn fem. sg. pәṛdi hәm ‘pәṛdi hawẽ pәṛdi hai pl. pәṛdIã hase ‘pәṛdIã hawe pәṛdIã hәn
While the present participle form agrees with the gender and number of the subject, the auxiliary agrees in person and number with the subject. The Whole VP agrees with the subject in number, gender and person.
The present perfect tense is formed by adding the past participle ending to the main verb and it is followed by the auxiliary verb.
Intransitive verb a- ‘to come’ masc. sg. aya hã aya hẽ aya he pl. aye hɛ̃ aye ho aye hIn fem. sg. ai hã ai hẽ ai he pl. aIã hɛ̃ aIã ho aIã hIn 12.6.2 Past perfect The perfect is followed by the perfect form of the auxiliary. Intransitive verb sәm - ‘to sleep’ Masc. sg.suta hәm suta hawẽ suta hai pl. suta hase suta hawe sute hәn fem. sg. suti hәm suti hawẽ suti hai pl. sutIã sutIã hawẽ sutIã hәn ;
While past participle form agrees with the subject N in gender and number, the auxiliary form agrees with person and number categories of the subject N. The whole VP agrees with the subject N in number, gender and person.
Transitive verb kәr- ‘to do’ Ist person IInd person IIIrd person masc. sg. mɛ̃ kәm kIta he tɛ̃ kәm kita he ũ kәm kita he pl. әsã kәm kIta he tusã kәm kita he unã kәm kita ae fem. sg. mɛ̃ kәm kita he tɛ̃ kәm kita he ũ kәm kita he pl. әsã kәm kita he tusã kәm kita he unã kәm kita he
With transitive verb the past participle form agrees with the gender and number of the object N. There is no distinction for gender and person with the auxiliary verb. It agrees with the object N in number. The whole VP agrees with the object N in number and gender categories. The subject N is in oblique case with the agentive marker. e.g.
u hIk roṭi khadi he ‘He has eaten one chapatti.’ tɛ̃ ḍu ǝ̃b khade hIn ‘You have eaten two mangoes.’ mɛ̃ ḍu kItabã pәṛIã hәn ‘I had read two books.’ mɛ̃ hIk kItab pәri hai ‘I had read one book.’ Raje ukũ ḍәsIya hai ‘The king had told him.’ 12.7. The Auxiliary element is made up of the following: (1) The modal, sәg (‘to be able to’) and cәk- (Completive’) e.g. mɛkәm kәr sәgdi hã ‘I can do the work.’ mɛ̃ roti kha cәki hã ‘I have eaten the food.’ (2) -әṇ + lәg (‘begin’) e.g. mɛ̃ roṭi khawәṇ lәga hã ‘I am going to begin to eat.’ o awәṇ lәgi hai ‘She was starting to come.’ (3) -әṇ + ḍe ‘allow’ e.g. mɛ̃ ukũ wәñәṇ ḍIta ‘I let him go.’ ũ mɛkũ ǝ̃der wi na wәṛәṇ ḍIta ‘She did not allow me to enter even inside.’ (4) -da + pIa ‘to be in the process of’ mɛ̃ pәṛdi pәI hã ‘I am reading’ o ghәr wɛ̃da pIa he ‘He is going home’ (5) -da + rIa ‘continued’ mɛ̃ әṭh wәje tәk kәm kәrẽda rIa ‘I continued working upto eight’ (6) -da + ho - ‘frequently and repeatedly’ o bue te bãdi hõdi hai ‘She used to sit on the door way’ (7) -ṇa ‘(Proximate future or (to have to) e.g. mɛ̃ awәṇa he ‘I have to come’ ũ wәñṇa he ‘He has to go’ (8) -ṇa + po ‘(to be forced to’ ) e.g. tɛ̃ kũ wәñṇa posi ‘You will have to go’ ‘ You will be forced to go’ (9) -ṇa + ca ‘want’ e.g. mɛ̃ pәṛna cãdi hã ‘I want to study’ (10) Aspect markers -ẽda (Imperfective) -Iya (Perfective) e.g. mɛ̃ gIa ‘I want’ mɛ̃ kәm kәrẽda hã ‘I do the work’ (11) The Aux. ho which is marked for tense, number and person e.g. mɛ̃ ghәr hã ‘I am at home’ mɛ̃ ghәr hәm ‘I was at home’ әsã ghәr hɛ̃ ‘We are at home ‘ 12.8. Verb phrase having passive stem occurs with -wn- in its -Iya form e.g. kәmij sәwij gәi he ‘The shirt has been sewn’ o pәrnij gIa he (gɛ) ‘He has got married’ o pәrnij gәi he ‘She has got married’ o pәrnij gәn (gɛ hIn) ‘They have got married’
The verb wɛ̃n - in its - Iya form agrees with the subject N in number and gender which is IIIrd person. But the passive stem remains
the same.
The verb phrase having the passive marker -Iya + wn in its –Iya form has both passive and capabilities meanings e.g.
roṭi khadi gәi he The food has been eaten’ kәmij siti gәI hai ‘The shirt had been sewn’
The VP agrees with the subject N in number and gender, which is in IIIrd person inanimate object.e.g. ǝ̃b khade gɛ hIn ‘The mangos have been eaten’ The VP having the imperfective passive marker -ĩda agrees with the subject N in gender and number, which is in IIIrd person inanimate object e.g.
wәdhai thali kәrĩdi he ‘wәdhai thali (a ritual done at The time of marriage) is being done’ pәriti bhojәn kәrĩda hai ‘pәriti bhoj (a party) was being done’
These auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes occur with the nouns and verbs as well. They are used extensively in conversation. When the subject is omitted, this serves as a device of brevity in speech. There is no gender distinction in the pronominal suffixes. They indicate the category of person and number. These occur in contrast to imperfect and perfect set of auxiliaries, which also indicate the categories of number and person. The function of these is quite different than those.
For example: buxar hIm ‘Lit. The fever is to me’ ‘I have fever’ buxar hIs ‘He/She has fever’ buxar hIwi ‘You have fever’ buxar hawi tã kyũ ayẽ ‘ If you had fever why have you come.’ buxar hәs ‘He/She had fever’ ke nã hәs ‘What was his name?’ dhi suṇi hIm ‘My daughter is beautiful’ pәr putr suṇa nIm ‘but my son is not beautiful’ ḍer hIwi ‘Do you have your husband’s brother’ kIti ḍer hIni ‘How many husband’s brothers do you have?’ sora hIs ‘He is her/ his father- in-law’ dhi suṇi hIse ‘Our daughter is beautifil’ dhi suṇi hIwe ‘your(pl) daughter is beautiful’ dhi suṇi hIne ‘Their daughter is beautiful’ or ‘They have a beautiful daughter’
With kinship nouns pronominal suffixes with auxiliaries indicate the possessive subject with person and number distinction. The second
person pl. forms indicate the honorific form in singular also.
Occurrence of imperfect auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes is observed with past participle form of the verb e.g.
Ist p. sg. Kitab pәṛi hIm ‘Lit the book is read by me’ ‘I have read the book’ • When the preceding noun in plural hIm is used. IInd p.sg. kItab pәṛi hIwi ‘You have read the book’ IIIrd p. sg. kItabã pәṛIã hIni ‘you have read the books’ IIIrd p. sg. kItab pәṛi hIs ‘ We have read the book’ Ist p. g. ḍu kItabã pәṛIã hIn ‘I have read two books’ paṭh pәṛIya hIm ‘I have read the lesson’ The past participle form agrees with object N in number and gender. Ist person pl. Kitab pəṛI hIse ‘We have read the book ‘ IInd person pl. kItab pәṛi hIwe ‘You have read the book?’ kItabã pәṛIã hIne ‘You have read the books?’ IIIrd person pl. kItab pәṛi hIne They have read the book?’
The auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes agree with subject N in person and number. The subject N is generally deleted. Occurrence of perfect auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes is observed with past participle e.g.
Ist p. sg. kItab pәṛi hәm ‘Lit.The book was read by me’ ‘I had read the book’ IInd p. sg. kItab pәṛi hawi ‘You had read the book.’ IIInd p. sg. kItab pәṛi hәs ‘He/She had read the book.’ Ist p. pl. kItab pәṛi hase ‘ We had read the book.’ IInd p. pl. kItab pәṛi hawe ‘You had read the book.’ IIIrd p. pl. kItab pәṛi hane ‘They had read the book.’
The subject is indicated by the auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes. These indicate the person and number and agree in number with the subject N which is (omitted in the conversation) implied in auxiliary form itself. These form do not agree with the object N in number and gender. Past participle form agrees with the object N in number and gender. The only exception is in second person where two forms exists, which agree with the subject in number and person and agrees also with the object in number .
For example: dhi ai hIm ‘My daughter has come’ putr aya hIm ‘My son has come’ ḍuwẽ dhIri aIã hin ‘My both the daughters have come.’ ḍuwẽ putr aye hin ‘My both the sons have come’
These auxiliaries with pronominal suffixes occur with present participle forms, but indicate different meanings e.g.
o kәm kәrẽda hIm ‘He does (my) work’ (to me)’ my work is done by him’ putr kәm kәrẽda hIm ‘My son works’ dhi nәlәri kәrẽdi hIm ‘My daughter is doing service’ o pɛse pәṭhẽda hIwi ‘Does he send money to you?’ dhi pәṛdi hIs ‘His/Her daughter is studying’ o pɛle / pɛse pәṭhẽda hәm ‘He used to send me money earlier’ putr pɛse pәṭhẽda hawi ‘Your son used to send money to you’ putr pɛse pәṭhẽda hәs ‘His / her son used to send money to him/her’ әkhĩ wIcũ ḍIsda nIm ‘I cannot see with my eyes’
13.1. Any discourse can be analyzed into shorter utterances marked by minimum free intonation. These shorter utterances are sentences and these sentence consists of one or more morpheme sequences or phrases. Stylistically sentences may be grouped as conversational and narrative. Conversational sentences are usually very short.
For example : koṇ ‘who’ (i.e. who is there?) kItthã ‘where’ (where are you going?) ghәr ‘home’ (I am going home.) kyṇ ‘why?’ (Why are you going home?’)
However, such sentence can be expanded transformationally into sentences, which will yield different patterns. Such sentences along with interjections and vocative forms can be regarded as minor sentences.
For example: hae “Ah !” (I am sorry to hear it.) śabaś “bravo !” (I heartily approve what you have done or are doing ? hɛ̃ “surprise !”
Narrative sentences have the favourite sentence forms and are thus regarded as full sentences.
The simple statement type sentences have been described in the chapter on verb phrase (section 12.)
In this section the other sentence types, viz, the Imperatives, Interrogatives, Negatives, passives and conjunctions are discussed.
There is a two-way distinction in second person pronouns: singular and plural forms. The plural forms are used for honorific singular. Imperative sentences are restricted to the second person pronouns or a vocative form and all inflected for appropriate number, gender and person features. For example :
(tũ) wəñ (You(sg.) go! (tusã) wəño (You (pl.) go! (tũ) wəñī (You (sg.) polite) go! (tusã) wəña (You (pl.) polite go! (singular in honorific sense)
Pronouns are generally deleted (unless there is an emphasis morpheme present) and the imperative sentence consists of the VP only.
For example : (tũ) wәñ wi (You) go!” (sg.) lәga wәñ (“go away!” (sg.) lәge wәño (“go away !” (pl.) lәga wәñĩ “please go away!” (polite sg.) lәge wәñae “please go away!” (polite pl.) Cher, Inte a ‘o girl, come here!’ Chor, Inte a ‘o boy, come here !’ ram, Inte a ‘Ram, come here !’ girish, ghIn wәñәs ‘Girish, take her/him’
If the vocative form of the N is chosen, it is not deleted, the agreement features are according to whether vocative N is singular
or plural.
In addition, the Infinitive form of the verb can be used to give command or make requests with the second person plural in familiar
form: for example:
(tusã) kәl lәge wәñṇa (You) “go tomorrow!” (tusã) әj roṭi Itthaĩ khawәna (You) please eat here today) !
The negative imperative is formed in the same way as other negative sentences except that the negative particle is na. e.g.
na kha ‘don’t eat’ (sg.) na khao ‘don’t eat’ (pl.) na khawĩ ‘don’t eat’ (polite sg.) na khәwae ‘don’t eat’ (polite pl.)
In interrogative sentence one could question either the whole sentence or some element such as adjective, the adverb or the verb of a sentence. It is therefore correct to assume that the question element is related to the whole sentence. These sentenes may include one of the following interrogative words. For example :
Statement Question o suta pɛ kya o suta pɛ ‘He is sleeping’ ‘Is he sleeping?’ huṇ gh731241r julũ huṇ ghәr julũ ‘Let us go home now’ ‘Shall we go home now?’ mɛ̃ dIlli wɛsã mɛ̃ dIlli wfsã ‘I shall go to Delhi’ ‘I shall go to Delhi?’
Either the question particle kya precedes the NP and the VP of the sentence or the intonation changes if the same sentence is interrogative. Intonation may change with emphasis on different items. e.g.
huṇ2 ghәr2 julu2 / statement / huṇ2 ghәr2 julu4 / question / mɛ̃ 2 dIlli2 wɛsã / statement / mɛ̃ 2 dIlli wɛsã / question /
Besides a q-element, there is at least one other interrogative morpheme which determines which element of the sentence is to be questioned i.e. subject, verb, adverb of place, Adjective, manner adverb. How does a question element get attached to subject, object, verb etc? In a sentence which contains the Q- element it attaches to the category that is preceded by k e.g.
Q-k+ N animate koṇ Suta pIa hai ‘who’ was sleeping?’ o-Q-k-+ adverb of place suta pIa hai o kItthã suta pIa hai ‘He was sleeping where?’ o keri jha te suta pIa hai ‘At which place he was sleeping ?’ The following combinations of Q+k -+ category of word result in the interrogative forms. Q+k -+N (Animate) koṇ ‘who’ Q+k - + - N (inanimate) ke ‘what’ Q+k - + - adjective kIojIã ‘of what kind’ Q + k - + manner adverb kiwẽ ‘how’ Q + k - + Reason kyũ ‘why’ Q + k - + time kәḍәṇ ‘when’ Q + k - + place Itthã ‘where’ Q + k - + directional adverb kInte keṛe ‘in what direction’ Pase Q + k - + measurement KItti ‘how much, how many’ For example : e ke he ‘What is this ?’ tɛk73361 kIo jIã kәpṛa loṛ he ‘What sort of cloth do you want?’ tũ kiwẽ ayẽ ‘How have you come?’ tũ kyũ nɛ̃ wɛ̃da ‘Why do you not go? ghәr k&31241ḍәṇ wәsẽ ‘When will you go home?’ tɛkũ kItti khir loṛ hɛ ‘How much milk do you want?’ o kInte rãdi he ‘In what direction (where) does she live?’ 13.1.3. Negative
In Lahandã negative forms are derived from the negative particle na or ṇi + the auxiliary ho. The derived negative form always occurs in the pre-V position. The choice of a negative element has the following effect on the surface form of the sentence. (i) The negative form occurs after the predicate complement e.g. ] o cәŋŋa ṇi ‘He is not good’ o ghәr ṇi ‘He is not at home’ (ii) The negative forms with the verbs of imperfective and perfective forms i.e. -ɛ̃da and -Iya occur before them e.g.
Positive Negative o wɛ̃da he ↝ o ṇi wɛ̃da ‘He goes’ ‘He does not go.’ mɛ̃ khãda hã ↝ mɛ̃ nã khãda ‘I eat.’ ‘I do not eat.’ Positive Negative ũ e kItab pәṛi he ↝ ũ e kItab ṇi pәṛi ‘He has read this book’ ‘He has not read this book.’ KItab pәṛi nIm ↝ ‘KItab nIm pәṛi ‘I have read the book’ ‘I have not read the book.’ roṭi khadi hIwi ↝ roṭi nIwi khadi ‘Have you eaten the food?’ ‘Have you not eaten the food?’ tɛ̃ e kItabã pәṛIã hIn tɛ̃ o kItabã nIn pәṛIã ‘You have read these books.’ ‘You have not read these books.’ (iii) With future, normative and imperative forms, negative particle na occurs. e.g. Positive Negative mɛ̃ wәñã ↝ mɛ̃ na wәñã ‘May I go?’ ‘May I not go?’ mɛ̃ wɛ̃sã ↝ mɛ̃ na wɛ̃sã ‘I will go’ ‘I will not go’ tũ wәsẽ ↝ tũ na wәsẽ ‘You will go’ ‘You will not go’ (tũ) wәñ ↝ (tũ) na wәñ ‘You go’ ‘(You) don’t go’ 13.1.4. Passive
Passive has already been discussed in (section 12.8) with the passive marker -Iya + wәñ (in – Iya form). All other possibilities are given below.
Non-Passive Passive mɛ̃ kItab pәṛi ↝ mɛḍe kolũ kItab pәri gәi ‘I read the book.’ ‘the book was read by me.’ o hәṭṭi te nәi wɛ̃da ↝ ũde kolũ hәṭṭI to nәi gIa wɛ̃da ‘He does not go to shop’ ‘Him’ ‘by’ shop ‘on’ ‘not’ is ‘gone’ śam mIṭṭhai ṇi khãda śam kolũ mIṭṭhai ṇi khadi wɛ̃di ‘Shyam does not eat sweets’ ‘The sweets are not eaten by Shyam.’
The differences between the two sets are underlined and they consist of the passive marker -Iya + wәñ following the verb, and the postposition kolũ following the subject. Since the subject N is in the oblique case and is followed by a postposition the verb agrees with the direct object N in the past sentence. The agreement rules for the passive sentences can be stated as follow : (1) When a transitive V sentence is passivised, if the direct object N is not followed by kũ, the verb agrees with the direct object in number and gender in all aspects and tenses. e.g.
mɛḍe kolũ kәmiz nәi siti wɛ̃di ‘The shirt is not sewn by me’ mɛḍe kolũ kәmiz na siti wәsi ‘The shirt will not be sewn by me.’
If the direct object is also followed by a postposition kũ the V remains in its unmarked form in all aspects and tenses. e.g.
Dhobi kolũ ke prәeã kũ dhuwaIya wәsi ‘The clothes will be got washed by the washer man.’ The above agreement Rules apply to all transitive and double object verbs. mɛḍe kolũ ukũ cIṭṭhi lIkhi gәi he ‘The letter is written by me to him.’ The passive marker - Iya + wәñ has a capabilitative meaning also e.g. ũde kolũ roṭi nәi khadi gәi ‘He was not able to eat the food.’ Or The food was not eaten by him.’ The passive of Vi sentences always have a capabilitative meanings e.g. mɛḍe kolũ buxar de karәn ṭurIya nәi gIa ‘I was not able to walk due to fever.’ 13.1.5. Conjunctions
Syntactically independent sentences are joined by conjunction morphemes. For instance in the following compound sentence, both the member sentence and conjuncts are independent.
mɛ̃ ai te o lәgi gәi ‘I came and she left.’
Compound sentence is composed of two independent sentences which are conjoined by a conjunction morpheme te ‘and’ e.g. in this example :
mɛ̃ ai ‘I came’ o lәgi gәi ‘She left’
It may be noted that only sentences of similar structures can be conjoined. For example the following sentence is derived from the string given below it.
sәngtәre pәke to mIṭṭhe hIn ‘Oranges are ripe and oranges are sweet.’
The deletion of identical items of the compound sentence give us the conjoined NP’s and adjectives in the examples above.
This assumption is supported by the fact that is given in a sentence sәngtәre pәke hIn te әngur mIṭṭhe hIn ‘The oranges are ripe and grapes are sweet.’ We cannot reduce it to sәngtәre pәke to mIṭṭhe hIn The only possible reduction is sәngtәre pәke tә әngur mIṭṭhe hIn ‘The oranges ripe and grapes sweet are.’ The following are conjunctions in lahandã. Co-ordinate conjunction te ‘and’ Disjunctive Conjunction ya ‘or’ yaya hike ------ hIke ‘either – or’ bhawẽ ---- bhawẽ ‘either – or’ bhawẽ ----tã ‘ whether’ Negative Disjunctive na --- na ‘ neither – nor’ Adversative Conjunction lekin ; pәr ‘but’ nәi tã ‘otherwise’
The general rule for conjunctions is that strings as conjunctions as conjoined by conjunctions must have like structures, for instance.
ũ bәu custi te әsani nal bIstәra ca ghIda ‘He picked up the bedding with great speed and ease.’
Where cUsti nal ‘with speed’ and әsani nal ‘with care’ are both manner adv’s similarly the following are grammatical
mɛ̃ ukũ ya ũdi kuwar kũ mIlnã cãda hã ‘I want to meet him or his wife’ o dIlli ya bәmbai wәñәṇ ala hai ‘He was to go to Delhi or Bombay.’ Where ukũ and ũdi kuwar kũ are both NP’s dIlli and bәmbәi are both adverbs of place bhawẽ mɛ̃ asã bhawẽ o asi ‘either I will come or he will come.’ Na tũ kәresẽ na mәkũ kәrәṇ ḍesẽ ‘Neither you will do nor you will let me do.’
When two NPs are joined by the coordinate conjunction te the NP which dominates them is plural and when two NP’s are joined by the disjunctive conjunction ya the NP which dominates them is singular e.g.
mɛ̃ te tũ kәṭhe julsũ ‘We will go together.’ lәcchụ te radhe aye ‘lacchu and Radhe came.’ ram ya śam wәsi ‘Either Ram or Shyam will go.’ Hike ram wәsi hike lәcchu wәsi, hIk wəsi ‘Either Ram will go or lacchu will go, only one will go.’
The adversative conjunctions lekin /per ‘but’ etc have a special characteristic. In some sense, the conjunct that follows the conjunction pәr / lekin must be unexpected or contrary to the conjunct that precedes it.
o awәṇ ali hai pәr ai ṇi ‘She was to have come but did not.’ o aya hai lekin mɛ̃ nṇm mIli ‘He had come but I had not met.’ mɛ̃ ukũ bәu rokIya hai lekin o lega i gɛ ‘I tried my best to stop him but he left all the same.’
The structures that are not contrary to each other cannot be conjoined by lekin e.g. the following is ungrammatical :
radhe lәkin lecchu khIlIya It has to be Radhe khIlIya lәkin lәcchu nәI khIlIya ‘Radhe laughed but lacchu did not.’
If one sentence conjunct is dependent on another, the two can be combined by conditional morphemes. The following are the conditional morphemes. The first element may be optionally dropped.
(1) je ----------tã ‘if ----------- then’ (2) әgәr -------tã ‘if ---------- then’ (3) jәḍәṇ ------tã ‘when -------then’ (4) jerewele ----Usse wele ‘when -------then’ For example : The following pairs of sentences can be joined with conditional morphemes : (1) o asi ‘He will come’ mɛ̃ wәsã ‘I will go’ (2) mĩ wәssi ‘It will rain’ phәsәl cәŋŋI thisi ‘The crops will be good’ (3) mɛ̃ daru na kәrã ‘I may not take medicine.’ mɛ̃ mәr wәñã ‘I may die’ (4) gәḍi der nal ai ‘(The) train came late.’ әsã pәkәr ghInsũ ‘We will catch.’ (5) o asi ‘She will come.’ mɛ̃ lәgi wәsã ‘I will go away.’ The above given pairs can be conjoined with conditional morphemes as given below. (1) je o asi tã mɛ̃ wәsә ‘If he will come then I shall go.’ jәḍәṇ o asi tã mɛ̃ wәsã ‘When he will come then I will go.’ (2) әgәr mĩ wәssi tãphәsәl cәŋŋi thisi ‘If it will rain then the crops will be good.’ (3) je mɛ̃ daru na kәrã tã mɛ̃ mәr wәñã ‘If I do not take medicine then I shall die.’ (4) әgәr gәḍi der nal ai tã әsã p731241kәr ghInsũ ‘If the train is late then we will catch it.’ (5) jɛṛe wele o asi Usse wәle mɛ̃ lәgi wәsã ‘When she will come then (at the same time) I will go away’.
There is no restriction on the order of the sentence conjuncts in the compound sentence structures, for example the above sentence can
be conjoined in reverse order also.
mɛ̃ tã wәsã je o asi
No two sentences can be conjoined by conditional morpheme if one of them is not dependent on the other. For example the following
two sentences cannot be conjoined by this conditional morphemes i.e.
mɛ̃ ai ‘I came’ mɛ̃ gәi ‘I went’ je mɛ̃ ai tã mɛ̃ gәi ‘If I come then I went.’ tã mf gәi je mɛ̃ ai ‘Is not possible’
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