Kashmiri employs a set of fifty-nine consonant and twenty-eight vowel phonemes in word formation. Some of the salient features of Kashmiri phonology are as follows:
1. All consonants except the inherent palatals are palatalized, thereby the number of consonant phonemes goes up to fifty-nine.
2. Of the fifteen vowels, thirteen undergo nasalisation. Thus the number of vowel phonemes reaches twenty-eight. The front i and the central I do not undergo nasalisation.
3. All consonants including the palatalized ones occur in word initial, medial, and final positions.
4. All vowels with the exception of mid-low back vowel exhibit a short vs. long distinction.
5. The voiced plosive and affricate consonants are not aspirated, whereas their voiceless counterparts undergo aspiration.
6. All the vowels do not occur in the word initial or final positions. The central I do not occur word-initially; mid-low כ occurs only word-medially.
7. Gemination is not found in the language.
8. Consonant clusters are found in the word-initial, word-medial and word-final positions. In the word-initial position the first consonant could be a plosive, an affricate, or a fricative and the second consonant would invariably be 'r'. The word-medial clusters are found in large numbers. In the word final position the closing consonant of a cluster would always be a plosive whereas the penultimate member could be a nasal, or a fricative. Two aspirated consonants do not occur in a cluster. A consonant cluster does not allow more than two segments in word initial and final positions. A consonant cluster in the word-medial position may have three members but only two of them will constitute part of a syllable, the third member will be a constituent of the following syllable, e.g. In g∂nzrun 'to count', sombrun 'to gather' the syllable boundaries will be g∂nz|run; somb|run respectively.
9. It has two sets of affricates – alveolar and palatal. The alveolar set does not have a voiced member.
10. It has a set of mid-low and high central vowels, which are not found in other Indo-Aryan languages.
11. Some of the prominent phonological processes involved in the language are :
a. Vowel raising : sath 'seven' + im > sətim 'seventh' akh 'one' + is > əkis 'to one' par 'read' + in > pərin 'let him/her read' b. Vowel lowering : nər 'arm' + i > nari 'arms' nə:r 'pitcher' + en > na:ren 'to pitchers' c. Centralization : mo:l 'father' + is > mə:lis 'to the father' gol 'melted' + ith > gəlith 'after melting' son 'deep' + is > sənis 'in the depth' mokur 'dirty mas.sg.' > məkIr 'dirty fem.sg.' phoph 'stammerer mas. Sg > phəph'. 'Mas.pl.' tor crossed mas. sg > tər’ Mas. pl.’ tsol ran away mas. Sg. > ts əl’ Mas. Pl. mo:l father > m ə:l’ fathers tsok sour mas. Sg > tsok’ Mas. Pl.
(Note that the centralization of a vowel is accompanied by consonant palatalization in some of the instances given above).
a. Deaspiration of word-final plosives: drכkh 'vomit' + an > drכkan 'to the vomits' sath 'seven' + an > satan 'to seven' Deaspiration does not occur in instances like: phoph 'stammerer' + is > phophis 'to the stammerer' poph 'paternal aunt' + i > pophi 'to aunt'. b. Plosives become affricates : The stem final dental, retroflex, and velar plosives become affricates as follows: got 'weak mas. Sg.' > g əts 'fem. Sg.' khot 'rose mas.sg.' > kh əts 'fem.sg.' tot 'hot mas. Sg.' > t əts 'fem sg.' k əT 'girl fem. Sg.' > kaci 'fem pl.' tsoT 'roti fem.sg.' > tsoci 'fem pl.' tshoT 'short mas. / fem. Sg' > tsoci 'fem. pl.' g əND 'tied fem. Sg.' > ganji 'fem. pl.' ts əND 'slap fem. sg.' > tsanji 'fem. pl.' thok 'tired mas.sg.' > th əky 'mas.pl.' thok 'tired mas. Sg.' > th əc 'fem sg.' hokh 'dried mas. Sg.' > hoch 'fem. sg.' c. Lateral becomes an affricate: tsol 'ran away mas. Sg.' > ts əj 'fem sg.' gol 'melted mas. Sg.' > g əj 'fem. sg.' mo:l 'father' > m ə:j 'mother' d.Voiced dental plosive becomes a fricative: ru:d 'stayed mas. Sg.' > ru:z 'fem sg.' ru:d’ 'stayed mas. Pl.' > ro:zI 'fem. pl.' thod 'tall mas. Sg.' > th əz 'fem. sg.' th əd 'tall mas. Pl.' > thazI 'fem. pl.' e.Voiced velar plosive becomes a retroflex plosive: lang 'branch mas. Sg.' > l ənD 'dimunitive form fem. sg.' long 'lame mas. Sg.' > l ənD 'fem sg.'
a). A stem final vowel is deleted when the following suffix begins with a vowel. kalI 'head' + as > kalas Acc./Dat tsolI 'Make-shift oven' + an > tsolan Acc./Dat. go:li 'Bullets' + an > go:len Acc./Dat kachi 'Underwear' + as > Kachas Acc./Dat b) In a disyllabic stem, the vowel of the final syllable is deleted before a vowel (initial) suffix. ga:TIj 'Wise fem. Sg'. > ga:Tji fem. pl. cobIr 'Pretty lass fem.sg.' > cobri fem.pl. kh ə:tir` 'Hospitality' > kh ə:tras Dat. gobur 'Son' > gobris Acc./Dat.
a.A verb stem ending in a front vowel allows insertion of y, w or m as follows : ni 'take II sg. fut' > niyiv 'take II pl. fut.' ce 'drink II sg.fut' > ceyiv 'drink II pl. fut.' di 'give II sg. fut.' > diyiv 'give II pl. fut.' ce 'drink II sg. fut.' > cemav 'will drink Ist pl. fut.' di 'give II sg. fut.' > dimav 'give Ist pl. fut.' ni 'take II sg. fut.' > nimav 'take Ist pl. fut.'
Kashmiri allows the following syllable structures :
V – a: 'yes' VC – akh 'one' CV – ce 'drink', khe 'eat' bI 'I' CCV > tre 'three' CVC > me:z 'table', bo:r 'load' CCVC > krakh 'shriek', shra:kh 'sword' tra:m 'bald / copper' CVCC > tsomb 'pierced' grand 'counting' kranz 'skeleton'
In multisyllabic words like gənzrun, gənzra:vum 'to count' sombrun, sombra:vun 'to gather' the medial consonant clusters are broken as follows :
g ənz/run / ra:/vun somb/run / ra:/vun
Thus, multi-segment consonant clusters are broken in a way such that the number of consonants in a cluster within syllable does not exceed two.
Noun in Kashmiri has an inherent gender, masculine or feminine, that determines which particular inflectional affixes will go with it.
Examples – Sg. Pl. də:r 'window' > da:ri fem. Lab 'Wall' > lab I fem gər 'watch / clock' > gari fem ku :r 'girl' > ko :ri fem mə:j 'mother' – ma:ji fem. necuv, 'son' > neciv’ mas mo:l 'father' > mə:l’ mas. bo:y 'brother' > bə:y mas beni 'sister' > beni fem. palav 'clothes' > palav mas. sawa:l 'question' > sawa:l mas hu:n 'dog' > hu:ny mas hu:n 'bitch' > ho:ni fem sIh 'Tiger' >sIh mas si :min 'Tigress' >si:mni fem khor 'urchin' > khər’ mas khər 'urchin' > khari fem. Khu: r 'heel' > Kho:ri fem.
Noun ┌──────────────────┴─────────────────────┐ animate inanimate ┌────────┴────────┐ ┌───────┴───────┐ human non-human mass count
ləDkI 'boy' sg./pl sha:l 'jackal' mas.sg./pl. ku:r 'girl'sg./ shə:j 'jackal' fem.sg. ko:ri 'girl' pl. sha:ji 'jackal' fem. pl. ru:n 'husband'sg. bro:r 'cat' mas Sg. rI:n’ 'husband' pl. brə:r’ 'cat' mas pl. zana:n 'wife' 'woman' sg. brə:r 'cat' fem.sg. zana:ni 'wife' pl. bra:ri 'cat' fem.pl.
Kashmiri is a split ergative language. The case is indicated as follows:
1.ləDkI 'boy/ boys' Nom./Abs. : ləDkI-ϕ Ergative : ləDk-an (Sg.) ləDk-av (pl.) Dative : ləDk- as (Sg.) ləDk –an (pl.) Possessive : ləDkI – sund (Sg.) ləDkan – hund (pl.) Ablative : ləDk-as + pp (Sg.) ləDk-av+pp (pl.) 2. ku:r > ko:ri 'girl > girls' Nom./Abs. : ku:r- ϕ sg. ko:ri- ϕ pl. Ergative : ko:r-i (sg.) Koiri "girl" + av=ko:r’av Dative : ko:r – i (sg.) Kor’ –an (pl.) Possessive : ko:ri- hund (sg.) ko:ren –hund (sg.) Ablative : ko:r-i+p.p. sg. ko:r’-av+p.p. Pl.ə fem.
|Case||Person||Deixis||Gender and number|
|Modifier Person||Deixis||Complement Gender and number|
Ist Person : Sg. Pl. Nom/Abs. bI əs’ Erg me asi possessive myo:n so:n ablative mya:n-i sa:n-i IInd Person Non./ Abs. tsI toh’ Erg./Dat. tse tכhi possessive co:n tuhund Ablative ca:n-i tuhInd-i 3rd Person : Nom./Abs. Sg. Pl. Prox. yonder distal Prox. yonder distal Mas : yi hu su yim hum tim Fem : yi hu su yimIhumI timI Ergative : Mas : yem’ hom’ təm’ yimav humav timav Fem : yemi homi tami yimav humav timav Dative : Mas /fem yemis homis təmis yiman human timan Ablative : Sg. Pl. yem’sInd-i yimanhInd-i / yihInd-i Hom’sInd-i humanhInd-i / huhInd-i təm’sInd-i timanhInd-i / tihInd-i
Note – Kashmiri provides a series of ablative and dative-marking postpositions like : peThI 'from' nishi 'from near', sI:t’ 'with', sa:n 'with' etc. and peTh 'on', k’ut 'for', manz 'in', sa:n 'with' etc.
Emphatic forms of pronouns are formed by adding emphatic particle-iy to pronouns in all cases. When this particle is added as a suffix to the pronoun, certain phonological changes take place. The emphatic forms in nominative are shown in table .
Demonstrative pronouns have the same forms as the personal third person pronouns. There are, however, some additional demonstrative pronouns such as ti 'that (out of sight)', which is used with inanimate nouns. Its dative form is that the demonstrative pronouns are used also as demonstrative adjectives.
The relative pronoun yus 'who, which, that' is inflected for number, gender and case. Forms are shown in table .
The main reflexive in Kashmiri is pa:n 'self'. The compound form panun pa:n is comparable to Hindi apne a:p. The case forms of pa:n are : pa:n (nom), pa:nas (dat), pa:nI (abl), pa:nan (erg). In possessive structures, the reflexive form panun 'self' is used in place of personal possessive pronouns. The possessive panun agrees with the following noun in number and gender as shown in below table. Examples: panun kul 'own tree', panIn kul 'own trees', panIn’ kəmi:z 'own shirt', panIni kəmi:zI 'own shirts'. Genitive forms are used in idiomatic contexts only. The emphatic forms are pə:n’ pa:nI 'only by self' and pa:nay 'self'.
The reciprocal form is akh əkis ‘to one another’. It is a compound with the cardinal akh ‘one’ and its dative case form əkis. The distributive form is pa:nIvə:n 'mutual'. The case forms of the reciprocal are as follows: dative akh əkis; genitive akh ək’sund 9msg), akh ək’sInd’ (mpl), akh ək’sInzI (fpl). There is no nominative/absolutive form of the reciprocal and the dative form is used where nominative/ absolutive is required.
Examples : 1. lədkav lo:y akh əkis boys-erg beat-pst one another 'The boys beat each other'. 2. əs’ chi akh ək’sund garI gatsha:n We are each other home go-pres 'We visit each other’s homes.'
There are two main interrogative forms: kus 'who' and k’a: 'what', the case forms of which are shown in table.
kIman hund kImanhInd’
kIman hInz kIman hInzI
Other question words also begin with the question element k’a:. These include adverbs, qualifiers and interrogative adjectives. The question words are kus h’uv ‘which one’, kar ‘when’, k’a:zi ‘why’, kati ‘where’, kap:r’ ‘which direction’, kithI kIn ‘ how, which manner’, ko:ta:h ‘how much’ etc. Some of these have alternative forms as well. Their forms along with related demonstrative forms are given in the below table
(out of sight)
|Manner||kithI kIn’||yithI kIn’||huthI kIn’||tithI kIn’|
1.yeten cha rab here (prox) is mud 'There is mud over here' 2.hoten chanI rab there(remote-I) is-neg mud 'There is no mud over there'. 3.taten chunI po:n’ there(remote-II) is-neg water 'There is no water over there.'
The adjective in Kashmiri agrees in number and gender with the head noun it qualifies e.g.
Mas. │ Fem. sg. pl. │ sg. pl. vozul vozIl' │ vozij vozji 'red' kruhun krIhIn’ krIhIn~ │ krehn~i 'black' thod thəd’ │ thəz thazI 'tall' mokur məkIr’ │ məkIr məkri 'dirty' ja:n ja:n │ ja:n ja:n 'good'
There are two types of adjectives, a. base adjectives and b. derived adjectives. Derived adjectives are those formed from nominal, verbal and other bases by adding certain suffixes. Examples are shown in table drawn below.
Adjectives can be further divided into two classes: those which are inflected for number, gender and case of the noun they modify and those which are not. To illustrate the first category of adjectives, forms of n’u:l ‘blue’ are given in the table
|mal 'dirt'||I||mə:lI 'dirty'|
|gula:b 'rose'||C’||gulə:b 'pink'|
|də:r 'beard'||al||da:r’al 'bearded'|
|mazI 'taste'||da:r||mazIda:r 'tasty'|
|madad 'help'||ga:r||madadga:r 'helpful'|
|kI:mat 'price'||i:||kImti: 'expensive'|
For example: n’u:l ko:Th 'blue cost', ni:l’ ko:Th 'blue coasts', ni:j kəmi:z 'blue shirt', ni:ji kəmi:zI 'blue shirts'. Other adjectives in this category are: vכzul 'red', kruhun 'black', ga:Tul 'wise', tshoT 'short', dwarf’, z’u:th 'tall'. Adjectives like sa:ph 'clean', mə:lI 'dirty', ja:n 'good', da:na: 'wise', sabIz 'green', saphe:d 'white' belong to the second category. For example: sa:ph kamrI 'cleam room', sa:ph kamrI 'clean room', sa:ph palav 'clean cloths', sa:ph dəj 'clean handkerchief', sa:ph daji 'clean handkerchiefs'.
Adjectives can be either qualitative or quantitative. The former constitutes a large class. All modifiers of quality like different colours (vכzul 'red' , n’u:l 'blue' , saphe:d 'white', etc.), personal qualities (ča:la:kh 'clever', da:na: 'wise', buzdil 'coward', etc.), physical qualities (thod 'tall', tshoT 'short', v’oTh 'fat', zə:v’ul 'slim', etc.), qualities of taste (modur 'sweet', tsok 'sour' , t’oth 'bitter', etc.) fall under this category.
Kashmiri verb–morphology is comparatively complex. It reflects number, gender, person and tense:
Simple past, Ist Per. Sg. Pl. mas shõgus shõg’ fem shõjis shõji
Participle/Ist, I1nd, 3rd Per. Participle Suffiexs
mas shõgmut shõgmit’ fem shõjmIts shõjimatsI
Simple Future, Ist Per.
mas/fem shõgI shõgav Completive, I, II, 3rd Per. mas/fem shõgith shõgith Simple past, IInd per. Mas. shõgukh shõg’vI fem. shõjikh shõjivI Simple future,IInd per. mas/fem shõgakh shõgiv Simple past 3rd per. mas. shõg shõg’ fem. shõj shoji Simple future, 3rd per. mas./fem. Shõgi shõgan
|akh 'one'||əkim 'first'|
|zI 'two'||Doyim 'second'|
|tre 'three'||treyim 'third'|
|tso:r 'four'||tsu:rim 'forth'|
|pə:tsh 'five'||pĨ:tsim 'fifth'|
Causative verbs are formed from intransitive, transitive and ditransitive verbs by a productive process of suffixation. Two causative suffixes, -a:v/Ina:v (called the first causative suffix) and Ina:vIna:v (called the second causative suffix) are added before the infinitive marker –un. All vowel-final roots and a few consonant-final verb stems take either of the two suffixes. The second causative suffix Ima:vIna:v is added to all consonant-final verb stems directly; it is added after the first causal suffixes in vowel-final stems. Examples are given in the table below. The process of caustivization results in certain morphophonemic changes.
There are some verbs which have dual valency. They can be used either transitively or intransitively. Sometimes, the direct object can be dropped to render their corresponding intransitive usage. These verbs are: parun 'read', study (in school etc.)’, sõ:cun 'to think', za:nun 'to understand'.
|Stem||Causative I||Causative II|
Sg. Pl. Sg. Pl. Sg. Pl. on ən’ onuth onvI on on
kus > who mas. sg. kכs > who fem. sg. kus chu? kam > who mas. pl. Who is (it) kəm’ – who mas. sg.erg. kəm’ lob ? kami – who fem sg.erg. Who (ergative )found it? kImav – who pl. erg. kar > when k’a:zi > why kati > where (stative) kot > where (non-stative) k’a:> what kəmis > whom kapə:r’ > which way
|Yus>who||yim||y’כs > who||yimI|
Adverb – Place : yeti 'here' (stative) yot 'here' (non-stative ) hoti (Stative) hot (non-stative ) tati 'there' (stative) tot 'there' (non-stative) Time : az – 'today' ə: d’ 'some time back' teli 'then' vכn’ 'now' vun’ 'just now' ra: th 'yesterday' paga:h 'tomorrow' utrI 'day before yesterday' kə:lketh 'day after tomorrow' yuhus 'this year' parus 'last year' Manner : va :rIva : rI 'slowly' zo:rI zo:rI 'fast' dava:n dava:n 'running' khakhri 'dragging' pəth’ri 'on the surface' te:z 'fast' lot/lכti 'slow'
Kashmiri is a verb-second language which means that the verb or auxiliary moves to the second position i.e. it occurs after the subject in a sentence. Some examples –
1. rame:sh a:v ra:th Ramesh come pst. yesterday Ramesh came yesterday 2. rame:sh yiyi pagah Ramesh come fut. tomorrow Ramesh will come tomorrow. 3. su gatshi garI. He go fut. home He will go home.
Contrast these with the following examples :
4. rame:sh chu nəv kita:b le:kha:n Ramesh is new book writing. Ramesh is writing a new book. 5. su o:s suni:ta:yi tse:r ta:n’ pra:ra:n He was Sunita for till late waiting. He was waiting for Sunita till late. 6. təm’ a:si ciTh’ li:chmIts He erg. willbe letter written. He may have written a / the letter.
The 4-6 exemplify that the auxiliary has moved to sentence second position while the main verb occurs at the sentence final position.
In SVO languages auxiliary and the verb occur together after the subject NP.
Addition of nI ‘not’ after the auxiliary in 1-6 above will enable us to obtain negative sentences. e.g.
1a. rame:sh a:v nI ra:th Ramesh came not yesterday Ramesh didnot come yesterday 6a. təm’ a:si nI ciTh’ li:chmIts He erg. will be not letter written He maynot have written a/the letter.
In yes/no questions the suffix – a: is added to the verb as follows :
1. su yiya: paga:h ? He come fut. Q tomorrow Will he come tomorrow ? 2. bI nera: vכn’ ? I move fut. Q now May I leave now ? 3. sכ a:ya: ra:th ? she come pst. Q yesterday Did she come yesterday ?
Note that kya: 'what' (question word) can be optionally placed at the beginning of the examples 1-3 above which would not alter the semantic import of these sentences. However, it may have pragmatic implications. Employment of a question word shifts the verb to third position in a sentence e.g.
3a. kya : sכ a:ya: ra:th? 'What she came on yesterday?' 'Did she come yesterday?'
Negation of a question is achieved by adding 'na:' after the verb. The question marker a: suffixed to the verb is shifted and suffixed to the negative marker na 'not'.
Example : 1a. su yiyi na: pagah? won’t he come tomorrow ? 2a. bI ne:rI na: vכn’ ? won’t I leave now ? 3b. sכ a:yi na: ra:th ? Didn’t she come yesterday ?
Compare the following pairs for a summary of the above :
a. su yiyi paga:h He will come tomorrow b. su yiyi nI paga:h He will not come tomorrow c. su yiya: paga:h ? will he come tomorrow ? d. su yiyi na: paga:h ? won’t he come tomorrow.
Since pronominalization is a prominent feature of Kashmiri verb, a question can be formed by using the verb form alone as follows :
4. (tsI) gatshkha: ? (you sg. ) will you go ? 5. (su) gava : ? Did he go ? 6. (su/sכ) ne:r’a: Will he /she leave ? 7. (bI) tsala: ? May I run away ?
The employment of personal pronouns in the above instances is optional.
The interrogative pronouns in Kashmiri begin with a k, hence one may call such sentences as K-questions. The interrogative’ pronoun kya 'what', kus 'who', kya:zi 'why', kar 'when' etc. occur after the subject and before the auxiliary or verb as follows :
1. ra:mI kar a:v/yiyi Ram nom. when came/ come+In When did Ram come?/ When will Ram come? 2. ra:mas kar chu yun Ram dat. when aux to come When is Ram supposed to come? 3. tsI kar yikh/a:kh you when come+In/came When will you come? When did you come? 4. tse kar chuy yun you erg. when have come+In when are you supposed to come? 5. yi kus chu this who is who is this? 6. yi kəm’ von this who erg. spoke/said who said this? 7. yi kəmis chu d’un this who dat. is to give Whom is this / it to be given ? 8. yeth kya: chu karun ? this dat. what aux to do what is to be done with this ? 9. tse kya: su~:cuth... you erg.what thought what have you thought....?
A directive can be issued by using the verb-root alone as follows –
1. tsI tsal you sg. run away ! 2. tsI gatsh you sg. go !
The addition of IInd person sg. pronominal before the verb is optional .
If the number of addresses is more than one, the verb will reflect the number as follows :
1. toh’ tsəliv you pl./hon. run away ! 2a. toh’ gətshiv you pl/hon. go! 3a. toh’ əniv you pl./hon. bring !
The employment of toh 'you' pl. / hon is optional in the examples given above. Toh’ is also employed as a 2nd person sg. hon. pronominal.
A negative directive is issued by adding the negative marker ma/ma: 'don’t' as follows –
1b. (tsI) ma: tsal ! (you sg.) don’t run away ! 1c. (toh’) ma tsəliv ! (you pl.) don’t run away !
There are four major types of phrases in Kashmiri:(a) noun phrase, (b) adjective phrase, (c) adverb phrase, and (d) postpositional phrase. The structure of these phrases is described below.
A simple noun phrase may consist of a noun, pronoun or a non-finite sentential clause. A complex noun phrase may consist of relative clauses or adverbial clauses. A noun phrase may function as subject, object or indirect object. It also occurs as a complement of a postposition or as a predicate nominal of a copula.
There are no articles in Kashmiri. However, a demonstrative pronoun does at times function as definite article. There is also an indefinite article suffix –a:/-a:h. A noun phrase is modified by an adjective, or a relative clause. Some examples are :
1.Definite: hu lədkI 'that boy' 2.Indefinite: akh lədka:h (one boy-indef) ‘some boy) 3.Adjective + Noun: nəv kita:b 'new book' 4.Relative clause + Noun: yus ko:Th tse h’otuth su…. Rel coat you-erg bought that 'the coat which you bought that……'
An adjective phrase is part of a noun phrase. The adjective phrase may consist of an adjective itself or may expand as a relative clause:
1. yi bəd kita:b 'this big book' 2. hum tre bəd’ me:z 'those three big tables' 3. yכs kita:b tami ən’ s כ rel book she-erg me-dat brought-fsg that-fsg 'The book which she brought that……' Adjectives may be modified by adverbs: 4. yi chuseTha: boD kul this is very bid tree 'This is a very big tree.'
Adverbial phrases may consist of simple or derived adverbs, postpositional phrases, or a string of adverbs as exemplified below;
1. shur chu te:z do:ra:n child is fast run-pres ptcpl 'The child runs very fast.' 2. su chu seTha: zo:rI kathI kara:n he is very loud loud talk make-pres ptcpl 'He talks very loudly'.
A postpositional phrase consists of a noun phrase followed by a postposition. Postpositions can be divided into three types: postpositions that require a dative case in their noun phrase, postpositions that require an ablative case, and those that require no case. Postpositional phrases usually function as adverbs. Example:
1. kita:b cha me:zas peTh book is table-dat on 'The book is on the table.' 2. tavliya: cha ba:lT i:nas maňz towel is bucket-dat in 'The towel is in the bucket.' 3. me ən’ nəv’ palav shuren kith’ I brought new clothes children-dat for 'I brought new clothes for children.' 4. su a:v gari peThI he came home-abl from 'He came from his home.'
It is worth noting here that certain postpositions such as –nay, var:y, badlI, ‘without/instead’ modify verbs and infinitives;
5. su chu sra:n karInay daphtar gatsha:n he is bath d-without office go-pres ptcpl 'He goes to the office without taking his bath.' 6. su a:v va:pas ciTh’ ha:vInay he came back letter show-without 'He came back without showing the letter.'
This section describes simple, complex and compound sentence types. Major simple sentence types are: declarative, imperative and interrogative. Complex constructions involve subordinate clause(s). The formation of compound sentence is only through coordination.
Two or more simple sentences can be joined by employing the conjunctives as follows :
1. bo:TI gav dili tI biTI gəyi jom Bota(mas) went Delhi and Bita (fem) went (fem.sg.) Jammu. Bota went to Delhi and Bita went to Jammu. 2. təmis və:ts ciTh tI su dra:v he dat. reached fem. sg. letter and he left 3rd sg. He received the letter and he left. 3. biTas korun do:d tI sכ niyakh haspata:l bita fem. Dat. do pst ill and she taken fem. sg. hospital. Bita fell ill and she was taken to the hospital. 4. təmis o:s yun magar su p’av bema:r he dat. was to come but he fell ill He had to come but he fell ill.
Sentence coordination is marked mainly by the morphemes tI 'and' and magar 'but':
1. bI go:s dili tI m’o:n do:s gav jom I went Delhi and my friend went Jammu 'I went to Delhi and my friend went to Jammu.' 2. sohnI gav tuhund garI magar toh’ ə:sivI nI gari Sohan went your home but you were not home-abl 'Sohan went to your home but you were not at home.'
The conjunction maker tI 'and' can optionally be followed by another morpheme, ti 'also':
3. aslam gatshi paga:h dili tI mohnI ti gatshi Aslam go-fut tomorrow Delhi and Mohan also go-fut 'Aslam will go to Delhi tomorrow and Mohan will also go.'
The alternative conjunction morphemes ya:……….ya: ‘either……or’ are used as in:
4. ya: peyi: az ru:d ya: peyi az shi:n or fall-fut today rain or fall-fut today snow 'Either it rains today or it will snow.'
Note that the word order of the constituent sentences undergoes a change. The verb is placed immediately after the coordinators. Compare(4) with the source sentences
4(a) az peyi ru:d 4(b) az peyi shi:n 'It will rain today.' 'It will snow today.'
tI ‘and’ is used to conjoin two or more sentences undergoes a change. The verb is placed immediately after the coordinators. Compare (4) with the source sentences
5. aslam chu kita:b para:n tI nazi:r chu iTh’ le:kha:n Aslam is book reading and Nazir is letter writing 'Aslam is reading book and Nazir is writing a letter.' 6. ra:jI cha g’ava:n, uma: cha natsa:n tI usha: cha asa:n Raja is singing Uma is dancing and Usha is laughing 'Raja is singing, Uma is dancing, and Usha is laughing.'
The misplacement of coordination conjunction morpheme tI results is ungrammatical sentences :
5(a). *tI aslam chu kita:b para:n nazi:r chu iTh’ le:kha:n 6(a). * ra:jI cha g’ava:n tI uma: cha natsa:n usha: cha asa:n
Coordination does not merely involve juxtaposition of two or more independent sentences. There are various syntactic and semantic constraints on the construction of coordinate structures. In general, coordinate sentences express contrast, cumulative effect, cause and effect, sequential action, etc. The order of the conjuncts is interchangeable if a coordinate sentence expresses contrast or cumulative effect. Consider the following examples of various types of coordinate structures.
7(a). yi lədkI chu da:na: tIhu lədkI chu be:kIl this boy is intelligent and that boy is stupid 'this boy is intelligent and that boy is stupid.' b). hu lədkI chu be:kIl tIyi lədkI chu da:na: 'That boy is stupid and this boy is intelligent.' 8 (a). su chu varzish kara:n tI sə:ras gatsha:n he is exercise do-pres and walk-dat go-pres 'He exercises and goes for a walk.' b). su chu sə:ras gatsha:n tI varzish kara:n 9 (a) tsu:ras ləj gu:l’ tI su gav zakhmI thief struck bullet and he was injured 'The thief was hit by a bullet and he was injured.' (b). tsu:r gav zakhmI tI təmis ləj gu:l’ 'The thief was injured and he was hit by a bullet.' 10(a).toh’ vuchiv ja:n ku:r tI kəriv ne:thIr’ you see-fut good girl and do marriage 'You find a good girl and get married.' (b) toh’ kəriv ne:thIr tI vuchiv ja:n ku:r 'You get married and find a good girl.'
Notice that (7) and (8) permit the reverse order, but (9) and (10) do not. The coordinate sentences (9a) and (10a) can be paraphrased to indicate that they are related with the subordination process as well.
9(b). tsu:r gav gu:l’ lagnI sI:t’ zakhmI thief was bullet hit-inf-abl with injured 'The thief was injured by a bullet.' 10(b) ja:n ku:r vchith kəriv toh’ ne:thIr good girl find-past ptcpl do you marriage 'Please find a good girl and get marriage.'
In the above sentences the cause and effect, sequential action and contingency are expressed without using the conjunction morphemes. The paraphrases indicate that the first conjuncts of sentences represent adverbial complements of the second conjects.
The conjunction morpheme tI sometimes fulfils the function of a disjunction as well. (7) can be paragraphed by using the conjunction morpheme magar 'but' as in :
7( c). yi lDkI chu ga:Tul magar chu lDkI chu be:kIl 'This boy is intelligent by that boy is stupid.'
Besides conjoining sentences, the coordinating conjunction marker tI can be used to coordinate nouns (subjects, direct and indirect objects), verbs, adjectives and adverbs. The coordination of two noun phrases yields a plural noun phrase and therefore the verb agreement is affected. In case of coordinate subjects, the verb takes a masculine plural concord, whereas in case of coordinate objects, the verb agrees with the nearest object.
11 (a). me het’ tsu:Th’ tI tse:rI I-erg bought-mpl apples-m and apricots-f 'I bought apples and apricots.' (b). me hetsI tse:rI tI tsũ:Th’ I-erg bought-fpl apricots and apples 'I bought apricots and apples.'
The coordinator magar ‘but’ is placed in the beginning of the second conjunct :
12. ra:jI cha muDI sכ cha seTha: da:na: Raja is illiterate, but she is very wise 'Raja is illiterate, but she is very wise.'
'But' coordination usually is used with adjectives and adverbials:
13. shi:lI cha muDI magar ga:TIj ku:r Shiela is illiterate but wise girl 'Shiela is illiterate but wise girl.'
zi/ ki 'that' occurs medially between the finite and the subordinate clauses, however, its employment is optional.
1. me cha khabar (zi/ki) tsI a:kk ra:th I erg. is knowledge (that ) you came yesterday. I know that you came yesterday. 2. təmis o:s khaya:l (zi/ki) kita:b rə:v He dat. was thought (that) book lost. He believed that the book was lost. 3. tse ba:si: (zi/ki) bI chus apz’o:r you erg. seem (that) I am liar. It will seem to you that I am a liar.
The interrogative pronoun employed in subordination process begins with a y-
'who/ which' yus yas yim yimI sg. mas. fem./sg. mas.pl. fem. pl. 1. yus ləDkI ro:vmut o:s, su lobukh ə:d’ which boy lost was, he found sometime back. The boy who was lost, (he) has been found some time back. 2. yכs ku:r rə:vmIts ə:s, sכ ləbIkh ə:d’ which girl lost was she found some time back. The girl who was lost, (she) has been found some time back. 3. yim kul’ tsəT’mit’ chi, timan karav khəri:da:r Which trees cut are, for those will do buyer. For the trees that have been felled, a buyer will be found. 4. yimI kכlI hochi, timan ditikh kul’ which streams dried up, to those were given trees. the streams which dried up, trees have been planted there.
There are two categories of passive constructions: (i) personal passive and (ii) capabilitive passive. The personal passive is marked by the auxiliary yun and the ablative form of the infinitive of the main verb. The passive subject of the simple transitive is marked nominative. Certain exceptional verbs such as la:yun 'to beat', pra:run 'to wait' that inherently mark their objects in the dative in the active version, retain the dative case on the passive subjects. The passive nominative subject, but not the dative one, agrees with yun. The former subject is marked genitive followed by the ablative suffix and the postposition zəriyi / dəs’ 'by'. The postpositional phrase is often deleted. For exaples :
1(a). su chu/os:/a:si səli:mas parIna:va:n he is/was/will be Salim-dat teaching 'He is/was/will be teaching Salim.' (b). səli:m chu yiva:n parIna:vnI Salim is come-pass teach 'Salim is being tauht.' 2(a). mohan lo:y səli:mas lo:ri sI:t’ Mohan-erg beat Salim-dat stick-abl with 'Mohan beat Salim with a stick.' (b). səli:mas a:v la:ynI lo:ri sI:t’ mohnIni zəriyi Salim-dat come-pas beat stick-abl with 'Salim was beaten by Mohan with a stick.'
In the double transitive construction, the indirect object retains its dative case and the nominative noun phrase (i.e. the former direct object) controls the agreement.
3(a). mohnan li:ch ra:da:yi cith Mohan-erg wrote Radha-dat letter 'Mohan wrote a letter to Radha.' (b) ra:da:yi a:yi cith’ le:khnI Radha-dat pass letter write 'A letter was written to Radha.'
The capabilitive passive, impersonal in nature, usually requires a negative or an interrogative context. The capabilitive passive usually retains the postpositional agent. The agent is absent in certain constructions noted below.
4. təm’ hec nI kath kərith he-erg could neg talk do-past ptcpl 'He could not talk.' 5. su h’ok nI pəkith he could neg walk-past ptcpl 'He was not able to walk.'
Declarative sentences are negated by means of the particle nI, which is added to the finite verb after the agreement and pronominal suffixes :
1. bi chus nI akhba:r para:n I am neg newspaper read-pres 'I don’t read the newspaper.'
Constituents are also negated by means of suffixes such as nay, ros, bagə:r, varə:y, all meaning 'without'. The suffix nay follows the verb stem, while the others require the ablative infinitive form of the verb. Alternatively, they may be added directly to the nominal.
2. mohnI gav soku:l kita:bav ros/bagə:r/varə:y Mohan went school books-abl without 'Mohan went to school without this books.'
Indefinite quantifiers such as kã:h 'someone', kẽh 'something', zã:h 'ever'. Kun 'somewhere' are negated by the normal sentential negation. The indefinite quantifiers in this context are usually marked by empathic particles.
3. təmis sI:th’ kari nI kã:h kath he-dat with do-fut neg someone talk 'no one will talk to him.' 4. su kari nI do:stan hIndi khə:trI kẽh he do-fut neg friends-dat gen for something 'He will not do anything for his friends.' 5. təm’ ha nI zã:h zindgi: manz ith’ li:mIts he-erg is neg ever life-dat in letter write-past ptcpl 'He has never written a letter in his life.' 6. shi:lI gəyi nI kun ra:th Shiela went neg anywhere yesterday 'Shiela went nowhere yesterday.'
Pronominalization includes reflexive, reciprocal, pronominal and deletion strategies.
The main reflexive pronoun is pa:n. When followed by a postposition, this takes the oblique from pə:n’. The emphatic pronoun is pa:nI. The empathic suffix-ay-may be added to it for extra emphasis. The result is pa:nay. The reduplicated form pə:n’ pa:nI also occurs as an empathic reflexive. The possessive reflexive form is panun. The reflexive pa:n is usually anteceded by a subject. The reflexive itself may be a direct, indirect object or a postpositional phrase. Examples :-
1. mohnan vuch panun pa:n ə:nas manz Mohan-erg saw self’s body mirror-dat in 'Mohan saw himself in the mirror.' 2. mohnan von aslamas pa:nas mutalakh Mohan-erg told Aslam-dat self-dat about 'Mohan told Aslam about himself.' 3. vəki:las chu pa:nas peTh baro:sI advocate has refl-dat on confidence 'The advocate has confidence in himself.' 4. pa:nas kor aslaman a:ra:m refl-dat did Aslam-erg rest 'Aslam rested himself.'
Reflexivization may also be controlled by dative subjects:
5. aslamas chu panun pa:n pasand Aslam-dat has self like 'Aslam likes himself.'
The scope of reflexivity is usually restricted to the clause in which it is used:
6. mohnan von zi su/pa:nI va:ti vakhtas peTh Mohan said that he/refl reach-fut time-dat at 'Mohan asked when his wife would come.' 7. mohnan prutsh ki təm’sInz/panIn’ zana:n kar yiyi Mohan-erg asked that his refl wife when come-fut 'Mohan asked when his wife would come.'
Examples (6) and (7) show that reflexivization does not go down into subordinate clauses. Notice that reflexivization is possible within a non-finite and a small clause:
8. aslaman von səli:mas pa:nas kitshc a:y anInI khə:trI Aslam-erg told Salim-dat self-dat for tea bring-abl for 'Aslam told Salim to bring tea for himself.' 9. aslam chu [mohnas panun dushan] ma:na:n Aslam is Mohan-dat refl enemy considering 'Aslam considers Mohan, his enemy.'
Example (8) is ambiguous because the reflexive pronoun is coreferential with the subject of the main as well as with the subject of the subordinate clause.
In possessive structures, the reflexive form panun ‘self’ is used in place of possessive pronouns. It agrees with the following head noun phrase in number and gender. Following are its forms in nominative case: panun (msg), panin (mpl), panIn (fsg), panIni (fpl). For example,
10. bI chus panun/m’o:n kamrI sa:ph kara:n I-m am refl/my room clean d-pres 'I am cleaning my room.'
The primary way of expressing the reciprocal relationship is by means of an expression akh əkis 'to one another', which is a combination of cardinal akh 'one' and its dative case form (akh+is = əkis). There is no nominative form of the reciprocal and the dative form is used in its place. The reciprocal forms can occur only within a clause, which may be simple or non-finite.
1. timav kor akh əkis seTha: madath they-erg did one another-dat very help 'They helped each other very much.'
Reciprocals may be used as a direct object, indirect object, pospositional or possessive phrases :
2. tim samIkh’ akh əkis va:riya:hi kə:l they-erg met one another-dat lot abl period of time 'They met each other after a lot of time.' 3. timav dit’ akh əkisc o:b they –erg gave one another beating 'They thrashed each other.' 4. tim chi akh əkis peTh takhsi:r khara:n they are one another-dat on blame placing 'They accuse/blame each other.' 5. əs’ chinI akh ək’sund garI gatsha:n we are not one another-poss home go-pres 'We don’t visit each other’s house.'
Mutual reciprocity is expressed by the use of pa:nIvən 'mutual' :
6. tim čhinI pa:nIvə:n’ kath kara:n they are not each other talk do-pres 'They do not talk to each other.'
Personal pronouns may not have their antecedents within the same clause. They occur in all sorts of structures. For example, they occur across finite subordinate clauses, adverbial clauses, coordinate structures, discourse structures, etc. In adverbial clauses the lpronoun may be optionally deleted :
7(a). [yeli/suba:zar gav] sohnan hets pa:nas kitsh Tu:p’ rel/he market went Sohan bough-fsg reft-dat for cap 'When he went to the market, Sohan bought a cap for himself.' (b). [yeli sohan ba:zar gav] Ø pa:nas kitsh hetsin Tu:p’ bought -3sg 'When Sohan went to the market, (he) bought a cap for himself.' (c). [yeli sohan ba:zar gav] təm’ hets pa:nas kitshTu:p’ he-erg 'When Sohan went to the market, he bought a cap for himself.'
In a narrative text or natural discourse, deletion is used very frequently to refer to a previous coreferent.
This section describes simple, complex and compound sentence types. Major simple sentence types are: copular, declarative, imperative and interrogative. Complex constructions involve subordinate clause(s). The formation of compound sentence is only through coordination.
The verb a:sun ‘to be’ is employed in copular sentences. The copula may take a predicate noun, predicate adjective, or a predicate adverb as a complement. Examples :-
1. su chu da:kTar he is doctor 'He is a doctor.' 2. sכ ha zi:Th she is tall. 'She is tall.' 3. təm’sInz a:va:z cha mədIr his/her voice is sweet 'His/Her voice is sweet.'
The copular verb is obligatoryly retained in both affirmative and negative sentences. In the case of coordinate structures, it is optionally deleted under identify. Examples :
4. mohanI chu vaki:l/ *mohnInI vaki:l Mohan is lawyer 'Mohan is a lawyer.' 5. aslam chu nIDa:kTar/* aslam nI da:kTar Aslam is not doctor 'Aslam is not a doctor.' 6(a) aslam tI mohnI chi Da:kTar 'Aslam and Mohan are doctors.' (b). aslam chu Da:kTar tI mohnI ti Aslam is doctor and Mohan also 'Aslam is a doctor and so is Mohan.' (c). na chu aslam vəki:l tIna mohnI not is Aslam lawyer and not Mohan 'Neither Aslam nor Mohan is a lawyer.'
The copular is used for universal truths, existence, definition, identity etc.
7. khכda: chu God is 'God exists.' 8. nəsi:b chu panun panun luck is self self 'One is born with his/her own luck' 9. poz chu paza:n truth is revealed 'The truth (eventually) comes out.' or 'The truth cannot be hidden.'
The copula verb always takes a complement. Sentence (7) can be interpreted as:
10. khכda: chu poz/mu:ju:d/prath ja:yi 'God is true/present/everywhere.'
In (7) the complement does not appear at the surface and is understood as poz 'true', mu:ju:d 'present', prath ja:yi 'everywhere.'
The copula is also used as a member in the compound verb sequence a:s 'be' + khasun/gatshun/sedun 'climb/go/become' which renders the meaning of 'to become':
11. azkal chu siriyi jalId khasa:n nowdays is sun quick climb-pres ptcpl 'The sun rises early in the morning these days.' 12. dכh khכtI dכh chu gatsha:n vakhIt kru:Th day more day is go-pres ptcpl time difficult 'The time is becoming difficult day by day.' 13. azkal cha sapda:n suli: anigaTI nowadays is becoming early dark 'It becomes dark early (in the evening) these days.'
In declaratives the finite predicate (auxiliary or a verb) occupies the second position. The first position is usually occupied by a subject, but it may also be occupied by other constituents of the sentence best known as topic in a V-2 language.
1(a) aslaman dits kita:b mohnas ra:mIni khə:trI ra:th gari Aslam-erg gave-fsg book Mohan-dat Ram-dat for yesterday home-abl 'Aslam gave Mohan a book for Ram yesterday at home.' (b). mohnas dits aslaman kita:b ra:mIni khə:trI ra:th gari (c). Ra:th dits aslaman gari kita:b mohnas ra:mIni khə:trI (d) gari dits aslaman ra:th mohnas kita:b ra:mIni khə:trI
As shown, the constituents following the predicate show a considerable freedom of movement.
Declarative sentences can be grouped into three categories on the basis of the classification of verbs: intransitive, transitive and dative. The subjects may be realized as agents, experiencers (i.e. dative subjects), themes (i.e., passive subjects) or expletive forms. The subjects of most transitives and a few intransitives are marked ergative in the past tense. The subjects are marked dative in the context of a dative predicate. All other subjects are marked nominative.
2. mohnI a:v ra:th Mohan came yesterday 'Mohan came yesterday.' 3. mohnan d’ut nəsi:mas kalam Mohan-erg gave Nasim-dat pen 'Mohan gave a pen to Nasim.' 4. me a:kh tsI pasand I-dat came you-nom like 'I liked you.' 5. palav a:yinI mi:nIni zəriyi chalnI clothers came-pass neg Meena by wash-inf 'The clothes were not washed by Meena.' 6. kita:b pərIm book read-sg 'I read a book.' 7. kita:b ditsnas book gave-3sg 'He gave her/him a book'
Note that a few intransitives such as asun ‘to laugh’, vadun ‘to weep’, ladun ‘to quarrel’ take ergative subjects in the past tense (for details of their forms see Koul 1987: 43-4)
8. me/asi/təm’/tami/timav os/vod/lod I/we/he/she/they-erg laughed/wept/quarrelled 'I/we/he/she/they laughed/wept/quarrelled.' 9. tse osuth/voduth/loduth 'you-sg-erg laughed/wept/quarrelled' 10. tכhi osuvI/vodvI/lodIvI 'you-pl-erg laughed/wept/quarrelled'
The intransitive verb natsun ‘to dance’ takes an ergative as well as nominative subject:
11.(a) bI notsus 'I-nom danced-lsg' (b). əs’ nəts’ 'we-nom danced' (c). me/asi/təm’/tami nots I/we/he/she-erg danced 'I/we/he/she danced.'
A transitive direct object may also be overt or ‘pro’ form. In the perfective the direct object is marked with nominative case. In the non-perfective the case of the pronominal direct object is decided by person hierarchy.
12. səli:man roTus bI Salim-erg caught me-abl sg 'Salim caught me.'
Perfective 'pro' object:
13. səli:man roTus Salim-erg caught 1sg 'Salim caught me.'
Direct object in the nominative:
14.(a) bI chusath tsI parIna:va:n I am you teach-pres ptcpl 'I am teaching you.' (b). parIna:va:n chusath 15(a). bI chusan su parIna:va:n I am he teach-pres ptcpl 'I am teaching him.' (b) parIna:va:n chusan 16(a). tsI chuhan su parIna:va:n you are he teach-pres ptcpl 'You are teaching him.' (b). parIna:va:n chuhan
Direct object in the dative:
17(a) su chu me parIna:va:n he is me teach-pres ptcpl 'he is teaching me.' (b). parIna:va:n chum 18(a). su chu təmis parIna:va:n he is him-dat teach-pres ptcpl 'he is teaching him/her.' (b). parIna:va:n chus
The indirect object is always marked dative. The verb inflects for first and third person, only if pronouns are not overtly present. The verb obligatorily inflects for the second persons pronoun, which may be optionally deleted.
19. təm’ d’ut me/təmis akhba:r he-erg gave me-dat/him-dat newspaper 'He gave me/him a newspaper'. 20. akhba:r d’utnam/d’utnas newspaper gave-1sg psfx-1sg psfx/gave-3sg psfx-3sg psfx 'He gave me/him a newspaper.'
It is worth mentioning here that weather expressions in Kashmiri fall into two categories. The first type does not have any expletive subject as in:
21. ru:d p’av rain fell. 'It rained.'
The second type carries the third person singular pronominal suffix-n on the verb.
22. Regular weather expression Alternative form obur khot obur kho:ru-n clouds rose clouds rose-3-sg 'It has clouded over.' 'X has raised the clouds.'
Note that the third singular suffix-n is also found in some other expressions such as natural processes, natural forces, expressions of health etc. (see Koul and Hook 1984 for details).
The basic imperative is expressed in the unmarked form. There is also a polite form known as precative. Both forms inflect for number. The plural forms are used to express honorific status. The unmarked form is expressed by the verb stem itself. Imperative forms are given in the below table. For example:
1. cith’ par/pəriv letter read/read 'Read the letter.' 2. shuris di/diyiv miThə: y child-dat give sweets 'Give sweets to the child.'
In the above examples the imperative is preceded by a topic element. The verb may stand alone if it is flanked by pronominal objects. The presence of the pronominal objects is indicated by the pronominal suffixes as show in the below table. Examples:
4(a). ha:vum show-1sg psfx 'Show me.' (b). hə:v’u:m show-1sg psfx
The polite imperative is expressed by the precative suffix-tI/-tav (sg/pl) as in
5(a). cith’ partI letter read 'Read the letter.' (b) cith’ pər’tav letter read 'Please read the letter.'
The obligative imperative, which expresses moral obligation, and duties if formed by means of the suffix –izi/-izev (sg/pl) as in
6. cith’li:khizi/li:khzev letter write/please write. 'You should write a letter.' 7. poz vən’zi/vən’zev truth say 'you should tell the truth.'
The imperative may be negated by means of the particles mI and matI. The particle precedes the verb and may be inflected by the precative marker t as in
8. po:š mI tsaTh flowers not pluck 'Don’t pluck the flowers.' 9. tse:r matI kartI delay not do 'Don’t be late.'
Two types of interrogative sentences will be discussed: (a) yes-no questions, and (b) question word questions.
Yes-no questions fall into three major categories: (i) neutral (ii) leading and (iii) alternative questions depending on the answer sought by the interrogator. Neutral yes-no questions are generally marked by the question marker a:, added to the finite predicate at the end of all inflections.
1. mohnan li:cha: cith’? Mohan-erg wrote-ques letter 'Did Mohan write a letter?'
An optional question marker k’a: may also be added to these constructions. k’a: usually occurs in sentence-initial position and throws the verb into third position :
2. (k’a: ) tsI le:khIkha: az cith’? you write-fut today letter 'Will you write the letter today?'
Kashmiri maintains its verb second order in yes-no questions, provided k’a: is not counted as the first element. Most V-2 languages do not allow verb second order in such constructions.
The negative marker precedes the question marker:
3. tsI yikh na: paga:h daphtar? You come-fut neg-ques tomorrow office 'Won’t you come to office tomorrow?'
The prohibitive imperative marker mI is placed in the preverbal position and is attached to the question marker a:.
4(a). tsI mI gatsh paga:h ba:zar you neg-ques go-fut tomorrow market ‘Don’t go to the market tomorrow.’ (b). tsI ma: gatshakh paga:h ba:zar? You neg-ques go-fut tomorrow market 'Are you going to go to the market tomorrow?' 5.(a) tsI ne:rakh nI az you leave-fut not today 'You will not leave today.' (b). (k’a:) tsI ne:rakh na: az? ques you leave-fut not-ques today 'Won’t you leave today?' 6.(a) tsI mI ne:r az you not leave-fut today 'Don’t leave today.' (b). (k’a:) tsI ma: ne:rakh az? (ques) you neg-ques leave-fut today 'Aren’t you leaving today?'
Leading questions are followed by a negative tag if the expected answer is positive. If the expected answer is negative, the main statement is expressed in the negative form and the tag takes the positive shape.
7(a). az cha garmi:, cha na:? today is hot is neg-ques 'It is hot today, isn’t it?' (b). a: az cha garmI yes today is hot 'Yes, it is hot today.' 8(a). az cha nI garmi:, cha? today is neg hot is-ques 'It is not hot today, is it?'
In alternative questions, a special marker kinI is placed between the alternative elements, and the verb is suffixed with –a: .
9. tsI yikha: az kinI paga:h? you come-fut-ques today or tomorrow 'Will you come today or tomorrow?' 10. tsI gatshkha: daphtar kinI nI? You go-fut-ques office or neg 'Will you go to the office or not?'
Alternative questions can be used in finite subordinate clauses, which results in the placement of the verb at the end of the clause:
11. me chu nI pata: (zi/ki) suc eya: dכd ya: na I be not know that he drink-fut-ques milk or not 'I don’t know whether he will take milk (or not).'
In question word questions, question words such as kus 'who', k’a: 'what', k’a:zi 'why' are placed immediately before the finite predicate. Question words may be immediately preceded by a subject or other sentence constituents. Note that no constituent can be placed between a question word and the predicate/verb. The question word may be preceded by one constituent only. All the constituents of a sentence may be questioned :
12(a). mohnan kəmis li:ch cith’ ra:th daphtaras manz? Mohan-erg who-dat wrote letter yesterday office-dat in 'Who did Mohan write a letter to in the office yesterday?' (b). kəm’ lich cith’ ra:th daphtaras manz? Who-erg wrote letter yesterday office in 'Who wrote a letter yesterday in the office?'
In order to question more than one constituent two types of strategies are employed. In the first type all the question words are moved before the finite predicate:
13(a). mohnan kəmis k’a: d’ut ba:gas manz? Mohan-erg who-dat what gave garden-dat in (b). kəm’ kəmis k’a: d’ut ba:gas manz? Who-erg who-dat what gave garden-dat in
In the second type the question words may be left in situ. However, it is obligatory to move at least one question word before the finite predicate:
14. kəm’ kəmis k’a: dits ba:gas mãnz? who-erg who-dat what gave garden-dat in 'Who gave what to whom in the garden?'
Multiple reduplicated question words are used in a distributive sense. These follow the single word question pattern. The paired elements are always treated as a single unit.
15. doyimi vəriyi kus yiyi yo:r? next year-abl who who come-fut here 'Next year who will come here?' 16. mohnan k’a: k’a: h’ot shuren hIndi khə:trI? Mohan-erg what what bought children for 'What are the items Mohan bought for his children?' 17. dili kכs kכs ja:y vuchivI tכhi? Delhi-abl which which place saw you-erg 'Which places did you see in Delhi?'
Apart from the above-mentioned four types of simple sentences, some minor sentence constructions may be of exclamatory, vocative and interjection types. Exclamatory sentences are marked by strong intonation or are preceded by exclamatory question words are exemplified below:
1. az ko:ta:h ja:n dכh chu! today how good day is 'What a pleasant day it is!' 2. kə:tsa:h shəri:ph ku:r! how-fsg gentle girl! 'What a gentle girl!' 3. va:h k’a: bə:th! oh what song ‘What a song it is!’
Vocative expressions consist of address terms as follows:
4. hayo: nazi:ra:! oh-meg Nazir-voc 'O Nazir!' 5. haye: ku:ri:! oh-fsg girl-voc 'O girl!'
Interjections are usually one-word emotive utterances which express surprise, delight, etc. The expressions are: ah, aha: oh, shaba:sh, va:h va:h, etc.
Complex sentences are formed with the help of one or more subordinate clauses, which may be either finite or non-finite. Finite and non-finite subordinate clauses are described below. Some of the complex constructions involving relative and adverbial clauses are also discussed.
Finite subordinate clauses are linked to the main clause by the subordinator zi/ki, which follows the main verb. The word order in a finite subordinate clause follows the root clause V-2 pattern.
1.(a) me chu pata: ki/zi təm’ h’ot nov ko:Th ba:zrI 'I-dat is knowledge that he-erg bought new coat market' (b). me chu pata: ki/zi ba:zrI h’ot təm’ nov ko:Th I-dat is knowledge that market-dat bought he new coat 'I know that he bought a new coat in the market.'
The elements of the subordinate may not be moved to the main clause:
1.(c) * me chu pata: təm’ ki/zi h’ot ba:zrI nov ko:Th (d). * me chu pata: təm’ ki/zi ba:zrI h’ot nov ko:Th
Finite subordinate clauses may be subjects, objects or complements of predicates.
Non-finite subordinate clauses in the infinitive also function as subjects and objects. The infinite is inflected for gender, number and case and is placed in final position. Infinitival object complements omit the subject of the embedded clause, which is the same as the matrix subject.
2. bI chus yatsha:n mohnas samkhun I am want –pres Mohan-dat meet-inf 'I want to see Mohan.'
The subject is marked possessive just in case the infinitive is nominalised:
3. təm’sund dili gatshun chu mumkin his Delhi go-inf is possible 'His going to Delhi is possible.'
Question words with the infinitive, and non-finites in general, have a scope over the entire sentence and form a direct question. All overt elements of the infinitival clause may be questioned.
4(a). kəmis gəyi səli:mas kita:b din’ məshith? Who-dat did Salim-dat book give-inf forgot-past ptcpl (b). səli:mas kəmis gəyi kita:b din’ məshith? Salim-dat who-dat was book give-inf forget-past ptcpl 'Who did Salim forget to give the book to?'
Relative clauses may be finite or non-finite; finite clauses may be correlative or headed type. Relative sentences with finite clauses are marked by the relative pronoun yus and the correlative su, which decline for gender, number and case and show different forms for animate and inanimate nouns.
1. yכs ku:r dili cha ro:za:n sכ cha zə:vij rel girl Delhi-abl is live-pres cor is slim 'The girl who lives in Delhi is slim.' 2. dili (manz) ro:zan va:jen’ ku:r cha zə:vij Delhi-dat in live-inf agn girl is very slim 'The girl who lives in Delhi is very slim.'
In the correlative type, the matrix clause follows the relative clause. The head noun usually follows the relative clause but it may also occupy other positions, as shown below.
3(a). yכs ku:r tse pasand chay sכ ku:r cha me ti pasand 'rel girl you-dat like is cor girl is me too like' (b). [yכs ku:r tse pasand chay ] me ti cha sכ ku:r pasand rel girl you like is me also is she girl like 'The girl who you like, I like her too.'
In the headed relative the head noun immediately precedes the relative clause. In both the correlative and the headed clause, pronouns may be followed by a full lexical noun, as exemplified below:
4(a). sכ ku:r [yכs tse pasand chay] cha me ti pasand cor girl rel you-like is is me-to also like 'The girl who you like, I like her too.' (b). [yכs tse pasand chay] sכ cha me ti pasand rel girl you-dat like is cor girl is me too like
All the constituents of a sentence can be relativized in both headed and correlative type relative clauses.
In a non-finite relative clause, the verb is marked with the present participle vun or the past participle mut (see table shown below). Both the participles inflect for gender and number. The non-finite form can be used only for subjects. Examples:
5. vuphIvun ka:v fly-pres ptcpl crow 'The crow which is flying.' 6. pashas peTh khotmut naphar roof-dat on climb-past ptcpl person 'The person who climbed the roof.'
|Present Principle||Past Principle|
An agentive suffix vo:l is used to form nouns of agency. The suffix varies with gender and numberL vo:l (msg), və:l’ (mpl), va:jen (fsg), va:jinni(fpl). For examples,
7. [jemi ro:zan vo:l] l ədkhI chu m’o:n do:st Jammu-abl love-agn-msg boy is my friend 'The boy who lives in Jammu is my friend.'
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